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'IMIP

The Journal
of Hellenic Studies

Society for the Promotion
of Hellenic Studies (London, England)

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THE JOUBNAL

HELLENIC STUDIES

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THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROMOTION OF HELLENIC STUDIES

THE JOUENAL

HELLENIC STUDIES

VOLUME V.

I- .• ■■^- ;

'<^ .

a^y

PUBUSHBD BY THE COUNCIL, AND SOLD ON THEIK BEHALF

MACMILLAN AND CO., 29, BEDFOED STREET, STRAND

LONDON

MDCCCLXXXIV

Thd Jtig?Us of Translation and Reproduction are Reserved

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OCC 20 '30

1)?

11?835

V.5

pDOM:

R. Clat, Sons, and Taylor,

BREAD 8TRBBT HILL.

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CONTENTS.

PAGE

Rules of the Society xiii

List of Officers and Members xix

Transactions of the Society — 1884. . xxxvii

1. The Poems of the Epic Cycle.— D.B. Monro 1

2. Researches among the Cyclades.— J, Theodore Bent 42

3. Note on an Inscription from Prien^. — E. L. Hicks 60

4. Ornaments and Armour from Kertch in the New Museum at Oxford

(Pis. XLVI.— XLVn.).~E. A. Gardner 62

6. The Bell and the Trumpet.— A. W. Verrall 74

6. Hygieia.— "W. Wroth 82

7. On a Phoenician Vase found in Cyprus. — M. 0. Richter 102

8. A Sepulchral Relief from Tarentum.— P. Gardner 105

9. Ancient Marbles in Great Britain: Supplement I. (PI. XLVIII.). —

Ad. Michaelis 143

10. I. The Trumpet of the Areopagos.

II. The Libation-ritual of the Eumenides.— A. W. Verrall 162

11. The Hesperide of the Oljrmpian Metope, and a Marble Head at Madrid

(PI. XLV.).— C. Waldstbin 171

12. Pyxis: Herakles and Geryon.— Cecil Smith 178

13. The Homeric Chariot.— Walter Leaf 185

14. The Eastern Pediment of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, and the

Western Pediment of the Parthenon. — C. Waldstein 195

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vi CONTENTS.

PAGE

15. An undescribed Athenian Funeral Monument (PI. XXXIX.) — Sidney

CoLViN 205

16. On the Raft of Ulysses.— Edmond Wahre 209

17. Four Archaic Vases from Rhodes (Pis. XL.— XLllI.).— Cecil Smith . 220

18. Sepulchral Customs in Ancient Phrygia (PI. XLIV.)— W. M. Ramsay 241

19. Sophoclean Trilogy. — W. Watkiss I loyd 263

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CLASSIFIED TABLE OF CONTENTS.

I.— EXCAVATION AND TRAVEL.

PAOK

J. Theodore Bent.— Researches among the Cyclades 42

W. M. Ramsay.— Sepulchral Customs in Ancient Phrygia 241

II.— ART AND MANUFACTURE.

Sidney Colvin. — ^An undescrihed Athenian Funeral Monument 206

E. A. Gardner. — Ornaments and Armour from Kertch in the New Museum

at Oxford 62

P. Gardner. — A Sepulchral Relief from Tarentum 106

Ad. Michaelis. — Ancient Marbles in Great Britain (Suppl. I.) 143

M. 0. RiCHTBR. — A Phoenician Vase found in Cyprus 102

Cecil Smith.— Pyxis : Herakles and Geiyon : 178

„ Four Archaic Vases from Rhodes 220

C. Waldstein. — The Hesperide of the Olympian Metope, and a Marble

Head at Madrid 171

,, The Eastern Pediment of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia,

and the Western Pediment of the Parthenon .... 195

III.— PHILOLOGY AND INSCRIPTIONS.
E. L. Hicks. — Note on an Inscription from Prien^ 60

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viii CLASSIFIED TABLE OF CONTENTS.

IV.— HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES.

PAGE

P. Gardner. — A Sepulchral Relief from Tarentum 105

Walter Leaf. — The Homeric Chariot 185

W. M. Ramsay. — Sepulchral Customs in Ancient Phrygia 241

A. W. Verrall.— The Bell and the Trumpet 74

,, The Trumpet of the Areopagos 162

„ The Libation-ritual of the Eumenides 166

Edmond Warre. — ^The Raft of Ulysses 209

W. Wroth. —Hygieia 82

v.— LITERATURE.

D. B. Monro.— The Poems of the Epic Cycle 1

W. Watkiss Lloyd.— Sophoclean Trilogy 263

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LIST OF PLATES.

^Yj \ -^ Archaic Vase from Rhodes. Drawn by F. Anderson, Jun. ;

XXXIX. Athenian Sepulchral Monument at the Hague. H^ogravure.

) An J
XLIL i Lithographed by R. Steinbock.

XLIII. ' An Archaic Vase from Rhodes. Autotype print from a drawing by
F. Anderson, Jun.

XLIV. A Phrygian Rock-cut Tomb. Drawn under the direction of W. M.
Ramsay.

XLV. (1) Hesperide from a Metope of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia.

(2) A Marble Head at Madrid.

XLVI, \ Armour and Ornaments from Kertch in the New Museum at Oxford.
XLVIL I Drawn by Julian Drummond.

XLVIII. Reliefs from a Marble Throne from Athens, in the possession of Lord
Elgin. Autotype print.

LIST OF WOOD-OUTS, &c.

PAGE

Archaic Marble Figures from Antiparos 49—51

Early Vases from Antiparos 64—56

Gem ; Hygieia and her Sister 98

A Phoenician Vase from Cyprus (Plate and Cut) 103

A Sepulchral Relief from Tarentum {to face) 106

Athenian Banqueting Relief 112

Coin of Bizya representing Aeclepius and Hygieia 116

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X LIST OF WOOD-OUTS, ETC.

PAGE

Sepulchral Relief from Chrysapha 123

Pyxis : Herakles and Geryon {to face) 176

Chariots from Early Greek Vases 186

Eastern Pediment of Temple at Olympia and Western Pediment of

Parthenon (to face) 196

Modem Decked Catamaran 212

Egyptian Axe and Adze 213, 214

Use of vw6{wfjLa in Egyptian Ship 216

Plan of Eaft of Ulysses 219

Decoration and Form of Archaic Rhodian Eylix 224

Elevation of Phrygian Rock-cut Tomb • 242

Relief on back wall of same 243

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RULES AND LIST OF MEMBERS

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BULES

OF THE

SOCIETY FOR THE PROMOTION OF
HELLENIC STUDIES.

I. The objects of this Society shall be as
follows : —

1. To advance the study of Greek language,
literature, and art, and to illustrate the history of
the Greel^ race in the ancient, Byzantine, and Neo-
Hellenic periods, by the publication of memoirs and
unedited documents or monuments in a Journal to be
issued periodically,

II. To collect drawings, facsimiles, transcripts,
plans, and photographs of Greek inscriptions, MSS.,
works of art, ancient sites and remains, and with
this view to invite travellers to communicate to the
Society notes or sketches of archaeological and
topographical interest.

III. To organise means by which members of the
Society may have increased facilities for visiting
ancient sites and pursuing archaeological researches
in countries which^ at any time, have been the sites
of Hellenic civilization.

2. The Society shall consist of a President, Vice*
Presidents, a Council, a Treasurer, one or more
Secretaries, and Ordinary Members. All officers of

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the Society shall be chosen from among its Members,
and shall be ex officio members of the Council.

3. The Presidi^nt shall preside at all General,
Ordinary, or Special Meetings of the Society, and
of the Council or of any Committee at which he is
present. In case of the absence of the President,
one of the Vice-Presidents shall preside in his
stead, and in the absence of the Vice-Presidents
the Treasurer. In the absence of the Treasurer,
the Council or Committee shall appoint one of their
Members to preside.

4. The funds and other property of the Society
shall be administered and applied by the Council in
such manner as they shall consider most conducive to
the objects of the Society : in the Council shall also
be vested the control of all publications issued by
the Society, and the general management of all its
affairs and concerns. The number of the Council
shall not exceed fifty.

5. The Treasurer shall receive, on account of the
Society, all subscriptions, donations, or other moneys
accruing to the funds thereof, and shall make all
payments ordered by the Council.

6. No money shall be drawn out of the hands of the
Treasurer or dealt with otherwise than by an order
of Council, and a cheque signed by two members
of Council and countersigned by a Secretary.

7. The Council shall meet as often as they may
deem necessary for the despatch of business.

8. Due notice of every such Meeting shall be sent
to each Member of the Council, by a summons
signed by the Secretary.

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9. Three Members of the Council, provided not
more than one of the three present be a permanent
officer of the Society, shall be a quorum.

10. All questions before the Council shall be-
determined by a majority of votes. The Chairman
to have a casting vote.

11. The Council shall prepare an Annual Report,
to be submitted to the Annual Meeting of the
Society.

12. The Secretary shall give notice in writing to
each Member of the Council of the ordinary days of
meeting of the Council, and shall have authority to
summon a Special and Extraordinary Meeting of tljie
Council on a requisition signed by at least four
Members of the Council.

13. Two Auditors, not being Members of the
Council, shall be elected by the Society in each
year.

14. A General Meeting of the Society shall be held
in London in June of each year, when the Reports of
the Council and of the Auditors shall be read, the
Council, Officers, and Auditors for the ensuing year
elected, and any other business recommended by
the Council discussed and determined. Meetings
of the Society for the reading of papers may
be held at such times as the Council may fix, due
notice being given to Members.

15. The President, Vice-Presidents, Treasurer,
Secretaries, and Council shall be elected by the
Members of the Society at the Annual Meeting.

c 2

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XVI

i6. The President and Vice-Presidents shall be
appointed for one year, after which they shall be
eligible for re-election at the Annual Meeting.

17. One-third of the Council shall retire every year,
but the Members so retiring shall be eligible for
re-election at the Annual Meeting.

18. The Treasurer and Secretaries shall hold their
offices during the pleasure of the Council.

19. The elections of the Officers, Council, and
Auditors, at the Annual Meeting, shall be by
a majority of the votes of those present. The
Chairman of the Meeting shall have a casting vote.
The mode in which the vote shall be taken shall
be determined by the President and Council

20. Every Member of the Society shall be sum-
moned to the Annual Meeting by notice issued at
least one month before it is held.

21. All motions made at the Annual Meeting shall
be in writing and shall be signed by the mover and
seconder. No motion shall be submitted, unless
notice of it has been given to the Secretary at least
three weeks before the Annual Meeting.

22. Upon any vacancy in the Presidency, occurring
between the Annual Elections, one of the Vice-
Presidents shall be elected by the Council to officiate
as President until the next Annual Meeting.

23. All vacancies among the other Officers of the
Society occurring between the same dates shall in
like manner be provisionally filled up by the Council
until the next Annual Meeting.

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xvu

24. The names of all candidates wishing to become
Members of the Society shall be submitted to a
Meeting of the Council, and at their next Meeting
the Council shall proceed to the election of candi-
dates so proposed : no such election to be valid unless
the candidate receives the votes of the majority of
those present.

25. The Annual Subscription of Members shall be
one guinea, payable and due on the ist of January
each year; this annual subscription may be com-
pounded for by a payment of ;^io los., entitling
compounders to be Members of the Society for
life, without further payment.

26. The payment of the Annual Subscription, or
of the Life Composition, entitles each Member to
receive a copy of the ordinary publications of the
Society.

27. When any Member of the Society shall be six
months in arrear of his Annual Subscription, the
Secretary or Treasurer shall remind him of the
arrears due, and in case of non-payment thereof
within six months after date of such notice, such
defaulting Member shall cease to be a Member of
the Society, unless the Council make an order to
the contrary.

28. Members intending to leave the Society must
send a formal notice of resignation to the Secretary
on or before January i ; otherwise they will be held
liable for the subscription for the current year.

29. If at any time there may appear cause for the
expulsion of a Member of the Society, a Special
Meeting of the Council shall be held to consider the
case, and if at such Meeting at least two-thirds of

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the Members present shall concur in a resolution for
the expulsion of such Member of the Society, the
President shall submit the same for confirmation at a
General Meeting of the Society spec'ally summoned
for this purpose, and if the decision of the Council
be confirmed by a majority at the General Meeting,
notice shall be given to that effect to the Member in
question, who shall thereupon cease to be a Member
of the Society.

30. The Council shall have power to nominate
British or Foreign Honorary Members. The number
of British Honorary Members shall not exceed
ten.

31. Ladies shall be eligible as Ordinary Members
of the Society, and when elected shall be entitled
to the same privileges as other Ordinary Members.

32. No change shall be made in the Rules of the
Society unless at least a fortnight before the Annual
Meeting specific notice be given to every Member of
the Society of the changes proposed.

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XIX

RULES FOR THE USE OF THE LIBRARY.

I. That the Library be administered by the
Library Committee, which shall be composed of
not less than four members, two of whom shall
form a quorum.

IL That the custody and arrangement of the
Library be in the hands of the Librarian, subject
to the control of the Committee, and in accordance
with Regulations drawn up by the said Committee
and approved by the Council.

in. That all books, periodicals, plans, photographs,
&c., be received by the Librarian or Secretary and
reported to the Council at their next Meeting,

IV. That every book or periodical sent to the
Society be at once stamped with the Society's
name.

V. That all the Society's books be entered in a
Catalogue to be kept by the Librarian, and that in
this Catalogue such books, &c. as are not to be lent
out be specified.

VI. That the Library be accessible to Members
on all week days from three to six P.M., when either
the Librarian, or in his absence some responsible
person, shall be in attendance.

VII. That the Society's books (with exceptions
hereinafter to be specified) be lent to Members under
the following conditions :—

(i) That the number of volumes lent at any
one time to each Member shall not
exceed three.

(2) That the time during which such book or

books may be kept shall not exceed one
month.

(3) That no books be sent be}ond the limits of

the United Kingdom.

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VIII. That the manner in which books are lent
shall be as follows : —

(i) That all requests for the loan of books be
addressed to the Librarian.

(2) That the Librarian shall record all such

requests, and lend out the books in the
order of application.

(3) That in each case the name of the book and

of the borrower be inscribed, with the
date, in a special register to be kept by
the Librarian.

(4) Should a book not be returned within the

period specified, the Librarian shall re-
claim it.

(5) All expenses of carriage to and fro shall be

borne by the borrower.

IX. That no book falling under the following
categories be lent out under any circumstances : —

(i) Unbound books.

(2) Detached plates, plans, photographs, and the

like.

(3) Books considered too valuable for trans-

mission.

X. That in the case of a book being kept beyond
the stated time the borrower be liable to a fine of
one shilling for each additional week, and if a book
is lost the borrower be bound to replace it

The Library Committee.

Prof. Percy Gardner.

Mr. Walter Leaf.

Mr. George Macmillan {Hon. Sec).

Mr. Ernest Myers.

Rev. W. G. Rutherford, LL.D.

Librarian.— Mk. W. S. W. Vaux, 22, Albemarle
Street, W.

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SOOIBTY FOB THB PROMOTION OF HBUUBNIO STUDIBS

Officers and Council for 1884-1885.
President

THE RIGHT REV. J. B. LIGHTFOOT, D.D., BISHOP OF DURHAM.

Yice-Presidents,

THE LORD JUSTICE BOWEN.
VERY REV. R. W. CHURCH.

D.C L. , Dean of St. PauFs.
PROF. SIDNEY COLVIN.
THE RIGHT HON. SIR CHARLES

W. DILKE. Bart., M.P.
PROF. W. D. GEDDES.
MR. J. K. INGRAM, LL.D.
PROF. R. C JEBB, LL.D.

THE EARL OF MORLEY.
PROF. C. T. NEWTON, C.B.
REV. PROF. A. H. SAYCE, LL.D.
MR. E. MAUNDE THOMPSON.
REV. W. H. THOMPSON. D.D.

MasUr of Trinity ColUgt, Cam'

bridge.
REV. H. F. TOZER.
PROF. R. Y. TYRRELL.

ConnoiL

MR. OSCAR BROWNING.

PROF. S. H. BUTCHER.

MR. INGRAM BYWATER.

REV. PROF. LEWIS CAMPBELL.

REV. W. W. CAPES.

MR J. FERGUSSON, F.R.S.

MR. E. A. FREEMAN, D.C.L.

PROF. PERCY GARDNER.

MR. JAMES GOW.

REV. E. L. HICKS.

REV. H. A. HOLDEN. LL.D.

REV. PROF. HORT, D.D.

MR. HENRY JACKSON.

MR. ANDREW LANG.

MR WALTER LEAF.

SIR JOHN LUBBOCK, Bart., M.P.

MR. GEORGE A. MACMILLAN.

MR. D. B. MONRO, Prwoti ef

Oriel College^ Oxford,
MR. ERNEST MYERS.
MR. H. F. PELHAM.
MR. WALTER PERRY.
PROF. F. POLLOCK.
MR. P. RALLI, M.P.
REV. E. S. ROBERTS.
REV. W. G. RUTHERFORD, LL.D.
MR. J. E. SANDYS.
MR. J. A. SYMONDS.
MR. J. R. THURSFIELD.
MR E. B. TYLOR.
MR. CHARLES WALDSTEIN.
REV. W. WAYTE.
REV. J. E. C. WELLDON.

Treasurer.

SIR JOHN LUBBOCK, Bart., M.P.

Hon. Secretary.

MR. GEORGE A. MACMILLAN.

Editorial Committee.

MR. INGRAM BYWATER,
PROF. PERCY GARDNER.

REV. PROF. HORT.
PROF. R. C JEBB.

Auditors for 1884-86.

MR. DOUGLAS W. FRESHFIELD. ] MR. J. B. MARTIN.

Bankers.

MESSRS. ROBARTS, LUBBOCK, & CO., LOMBARD STREET.

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XXll

SESSION 1885.

Meetings will be held at 22, Albemarle Street^ at 5 p.m.
on the following days^ the Council meeting at 4.30 on each
occasion : —

Thursday, March 12.

Thursday, May 7.

Thursday, June 25. (Annual.)

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XX111

HONORARY MEMBERS.

His Majesty the King of the Hellenes.

Mr. Alfred Biliotti, H,B,M. Consul at Trebizond.

Prof. H. Brunn, Kbnigliche Museen, Munich,

Prof D. Comparetti, Istituto di Studii Supenori^ Florence.

M. Alexander Contostavlos, Athens,

Geheimrath Prof. Ernst Curtius, Matthai Kirchstrasse 4, Berlin,

Mr. George Dennis, H,B,M, Cotisul at Smyrna.

M. P. Foucart, Director of the French School^ Athens.

Monsieur J. Gennadius, Hellenic Legation^ Vienna.

Prof. W. Helbig, Ccua Tarpeia^ Monte Caprino, Rome.

Prof. A. K'rchhoff, University^ Berlin,

Dr. H Kohler, Director of the German School, Athens.

Prof. S. A. Kumanudes, University y Athens.

Mr. Charles Merlin, H,B,M. Consul at the Pirceus.

Prof A. Michaelis, University, Strassburg.

Monsieur B. E. C. Miller, Membre de Plnstitut, 25, Rue de

rUniversitit Paris,
Monsieur A. R. Rangab^, Ministlre Hellinique, Berlin,
Prof L. Stepbani, Hermitage, St, Petersburg.
His Excellency M. W. H. Waddington, Membre de rinstitut,

French Embassy, Albert Gate, S. W,
M. le Baron J. de Witte, M, de Plnst., Rue Fortin 5, Paris.
Mr. Thomas Wood, H.B.M. Consul at Patras,

LIST OF MEMBERS.

* Original Members, + Life Mcnibtrs.

The other Members have been elected by the Council since the

Inaugural Meeting,

Abbott, Evelyn, Balliol College, Oxford.

Abbott, Rev. E. A., D.D., 32, Abbey Road, N.W.
*Abercromby, Hon. John, 21, Chapel Street, Belgravc
Square, S. IV. * '

fAbrahall, Rev. J. H., Combe Vicarage, Woodstock.

Abram, Edward, i, Middle Temple Lane, E.C,
*Acland, Sir H. W., K.C.B., M.D., F.R.S., Broad Street, Oxford.

Ainger, A. C, Eton College, Windsor,

Anderson, J. R., Lairbeck, Keswick.
*Antrobus, Rev. Frederick, The Oratory, S. W.

Archer- Hind, R. D., Trinity College, Cambridge.

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♦Argyll, The Duke of, K.T., Argyll House, Campden kill, W.

Argyropoulos, Georges A., 83, Sloane Street, S, IV.
♦Armstrong, E., Queen* s College, Oxford.

Armstrong, Prof. G. F., Queen* s Collcs^e^ Cork.

Arnold, E. V., Trinity College, Cambridge.

Atkinson, Rev. E., D.D., Master of Clare College, Cambridge.
■ Baddeley, W. St. Clair, 5, Albert Hall Mansions, S. W.
♦Balfour, G. W.
♦Balfour, A. J., M.P., 4, Carlton Gardens, S. W.

Ball, Sidney, St. John's College, Oxford.

Barlow, Miss Anne, Greenthorne, Edgworth, Bolton.

Bamewall, Sir Reginald A., Bart., 4, Green Street, Grosvenor
Square, W.

Bath, The Marquis of, Longleat, Warminster.

Bell, Rev. G. C, The Lodge, Marlborough College.

Bell, Rev. William, The College, Dover.

Benachi, L. A., 26, Linnet Lane, Sefton Park, Liverpool.
fBenn, Alfred W., 16, Lung' A mo della Zecca V^cchia, Florence.

Benson, Arthur C, Kings College, Cambridge.

Bent, J. Theodore, 43, Great Cumberland Place, W.

Bigg, Rev Charles, D.D., 28, Nor ham Road, Oxford.
fBikelas, Demetrius, 4, Rue de Baby lone, Paris.

Blackstone, F. E., British Museum, W.C.

Blomfield, A. W., 6, Montagu Place, Montagu Square, W.

Blore, Rev. Dr., Kin^s School, Canterbury.

Blore, Rev. E. W., Trinity College, Cambridge.

Boase, Rev. C. W., Exeter College, Oxford.

Bodingtcn, Prof. N., Yorkshire College, Leeds.

Bond, Edward, British Museum, W.C.

Bosanquet, B., 131, Ebury Street, S.W.

Bosanquet, Rev. F. C. T., Enfield Cottage, Sandown, Isle
of Wight.

Bousfield, William, 33, Stanhope Gardens^ S. IV.

Bowen, Lord Justice (V.P.) i, Cornwall Gardens, S. W.

Boyd, Rev. Henry, T>.V>,, Principal of Hertford College, Oxford.

Bradley, Prof. A. C, University College, Liverpool.

Bradley, Very Rev. G. G., D.D., The Deanery, Westminster, S. W.

Bramley, Rev. H. R., Magdalen College, Oxford.

Broadbent, H., Eton College, Windsor.
♦Brodie, E. H., H.M.I.S., St. fohn* s House, Worcester.

Brooke, Rev. Stopford A., i, Manchester Square, W.

Brown, Colville, The Paddocks, Swaffham, Norfolk.

Brown, Prof. G. Baldwin, The University, Edinburgh.

Browning, Robert, 19, Warwick Crescent, Harrow Road, W.
♦Browning, Oscar (Council), King*s College, Cambridge.
♦Brunton, T. Lauder, M.D., F.R.S., 50, Welbeck Street, W.
♦Bryce, James, D.C.L., M.P., 7, Norfolk Square, W.

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Bull, A. E. C, Jesus College, Cambridge.

BuUen, Rev. R. A., 2, Barton Street , Westminster ^ S. IV.
*Burn, Rev. Robert, Trinity College, Cambridge.

Bury, J. B., Trinity College, Dublin.

Butcher, Prof. S. H. (Council), The University, Edinburgh.
* Butler, Rev. H. M., D.D., Harrow, N. W.

Butler, Arthur J., Wood End, Weybridge.

Butler, Rev. Canon George, Winchester.

Buxton, F. W., M.P., 42, Grosvenor Gardens, S. W.

Bywater, Ingram (Council), Exeter College, Oxford.

Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 15, Albany Villas, Hove, Brighton.
•fCalvocorrssi, L. M., Crosby House, 95, Bishopsgate, E.C.
^Campbell, Rev. Prof. Lewis (Coimcil), St. Andrew's, N,B.

Campion, Rev. W. J. H., K'eble College, Oxford.

Canterbury, His Grace the Lord Archbishop of, Lambeth
Palace, S,E.

Capes, Rev. W. W. (Council), Hertford College^ Oxford.

Cardpanos, Constantin, Depute, Athens.
♦Carlisle, A. D., Haileybury College, Hertfordshire.
fCarr, Rev. A., Wellington College, Wokingham.

Cates, Arthur, 12, York Terrace^ Regenfs Park.

Cave, Lawrence T., 13, Lowndes Square, S. W.

Chambers, C. Gore, The Grammar School, Bedford.

Chambers, F. C, 3, Grosvenor Gardens, W.

Chambers, C. E., Trinity College, Cambridge.

Channing, F. A., 3, Brunswick Square, Brighton.

Chavasse, A. S., University College, Oxford.
tChawner, G., King's College, Cambridge.
fChawner, W., Emmanuel College, Cambridge.
t Chester, The Right Rev. the Bishop of, Chester.

Chettle, H., Stationer's School, Bolt Court, E.C.
♦Christie, R. C, Glenwood, Virginia Water, Staines.

Christian, Rev. G., Redgate, Uppingham.
*Church, Very Rev. R. W., D.C.L. (V.P.), The Deanery, St.
PauTs, E C.

Clark, P. E., 2, Culverden Park, Tunbridge Wells.

Clarke, Henry, 14, Ladbroke Grove, W.
fClarke, Hyde, 32, St. Georges Square^ S.W.

Clarke, Rev R. L., Queen* s College, Oxford.

Clay, C. F., Trinity College, Cambridge.

Clinton, E. Fynes, Grammar School^ Wimbome, Dorset*

Cobbold, Felix T., Holy wells, Ipswich.
♦Cobham, C. Delaval, H.B.M. Commissioner, Larnaca^ Cyprus.

Colby, Rev. Dr., Litton Cheney, Dorsetshire.

CoUyns, Rev. C. B., 8, Mornington Road, Leytonstone, E.
♦Colvin, Prof. Sidney (V.P.), British Museum, W.C.

Comyn, John S., M.D., 32, Dawson Place, Bayswater,

Digitized by VjOOQIC

XXVI

*Constantinides, ^^(jf. VM., Hellenic College, 84, Kensington
Gardem Square^ S, IV,

fContostavlos Otho, A bonnes Case, 642, Marseilles,
Conway, W. M., Savile Cluby 107, Piccadilly, W,
Conybeare, C. A. V., 40, Chancery Lane, IV.C,
Cook, E. T., 85, Park Street, Grosvenor Square, W,
Coolidge, Rev. W. A. B., Magdalen College, Oxford,
Corgialegno, M., 21, Pembridge Gardens, W,
Corrie, E. K., 19, Old Square, LincoMs Inn, IV,C,
Cotterill, H. B., I f , Liebig Strasse, Dresden,
Courtney, W. L., New College, Oxford,
Courtenay, Miss, 34, Brompton Square, S, W,
Cowper, Earl, K.G., 4, St, Jame^ Square, IV,
Craik, George Lillie, 29, Bedford Street, Covent Garden, W.C,
Creighton, Rev. M., Embleton Vicarage, Chathill, Northmbrlnd.
Crossley, Prof. Hastings, Queet^s College, Belfast.
Cruikshank, Rev. J. A., Harrow, N,\V,
Cruttwell, Rev. C. T., The College, Malvern,
Cust, H. J. C, Trinity College, Cambridge,
Cust, Lionel, 13, Eccleston Square, S,W,
Cust, Robert Needham, 64, St, Georges Square, S, W.
Dakyns, H. Q,, Clifton College, Bristol,

Dale, A. W. W., Trinity Hall, Cambridge.

Davidson, H. O. D., Harrow, N, W.

Davies, Rev. Gerald S., Charterhouse, Godalming,

Davies, Rev. J. LL, 5, Blandford Square, N, W,

Dawes, Rev. J. S., D.D., Surbiton, S. IV,

D'Eichthal, Gustave, 152, Boulevard, Haussmann, Paris,

Delyanni, Th. P., Athens,
*Dickson, T. G., Athens.

*Dilke, The Right Hon. Sir Charles W., Bart., M.P. (V.P.),
'je, Sloane St„ S, W.

Dill, S., Grammar School, Manchester.

Dillon, Edward, 13, Upper Phillimore Gardens, W,

Dimsdale, M. S., Kinjfs College, Cambridge,

Donaldson, S. A., Eton College, Windsor,

Donaldson, Prof. James, LL.D., The University, Aberdeen,

Donkin, E. H., The School, Sherborne, Dorset,

Drake, Mrs., Devon House, Forest Hill, S.E.

Drisler, Prof. Henry, Columbia College, Ne%v York, USA,

Duchitaux, M. V., 12, I^ue de VEchanderie, it Reims,

Duhn, Prof, von, University, Heidelberg,

Duke, Roger, Post-Master General, Malta,
♦f Durham, Rt. Rev. the Bishop of (President), Auckland Castle,
Bishop Auckland.

Easton, Edward, 11, Delahay Street, S, IV,

Edmonds, MT:'.,'^arisbrook, Blackheath, S,JE^,

Digitized by VjOOQIC

XXVll

Edwards, Miss Amelia B., The Larches^ Westbury-on-Trym.

Bristol,
Edwards, G. M., Sidney Sussex College^ Cambridge.
Ellis, Robinson, Trinity College^ Oxford,
Elton, Charles, M.P., lo, Cranley Places Onslow Square^ S, W,
Ely, Talfourd, University College ^ Gower Street^ W,C,
Escott, T. H. S., 38, Brompton Crescent^ S, W,
Eumorfopoulo, A., i, Kensington Park Gardens ^ IV,
Evans, A. J., 32, Broad Street, Oxford,
Eve, H. W., 37, Gordon Square, W,C.
Everard, C. H., Eton College, Windsor,
Ewart, Miss, 3, Morpeth Terrace, Victoria Street, S, IV,
Farnell, L. R., Exeter College, Oxford,
Farrer, Rev. Canon A. S., Durham,
Farsyde, W., Thorpe Hall, FyUn^dale, Yorks,
Faulkner, C. J., University College, Oxford,
Fawcett, Mrs. Henry, 51, The Lawn, South Lambeth Rd, S, W,
»Fearon, Rev. W. A., The College, Winchester,
Feetham, T. O., 23, Arundel Gardens, Notting Hill, W.
Fenning, W. D., Haileybury College, Hertford,
*Fergusson, James, F.R.S. (Council), 20, Langham Place, W,
Flather, J. H., Cavendish College, Cambridge,
Flower, Wickham, Swan House, Chelsea, S, W.
Forbes, W. H., Baliiol College, Oxford,
Ford, Francis Clare, HB.M, Minister, Athens.
Forster, Miss C. E. Saunders.
*Fowler, Rev. Prof., President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford,
*Fowler, Alderman R. N., M.P., 50, Cornhill, E,C.
Fowler, W. W., Lincoln College, Oxford,
fFranks, A. W., F.R.S., British Museum, W,C,
Frazer, J. G., Trinity Colletrey Cambridge,
Freeman, C. E., i. Deans Yard, Westminster, S, W,
*Freeman, Edward A.,*D.C.L. (Council), Somerleaze, Wells ^

Somerset.
*Freshfield, Douglas W , T, Airlie Gardens, Campden Hill^ W,
fFreshfield, Edwin, 5, Bank Buildings, E,C,
*Fr>', F. J., 104, Pembroke Road, Clifton,
Furneaux, Rev. W. M., Repton Hall, Burton-on-Trent,
Fyffe, C. A., 64, Lexham Gardens, South Kensington,
tGardner, E. A., 13, Oak Hill, Hampstead, N. W,
*t Gardner, Prof. Percy (Council), British Museum, W.C,
Gardner, Miss Alice, South Hall, Newnham, Cambridge,
Geddes, Prof. W. D. (V.P.), University, Aberdeen,
*Geldart, Rev. E. M., 3, Denbigli Villas, Lower Addiscombe
Road, Croydon,
Gilliat, Rev. E., Harrow, N, W,
Glazebrook, M. G., Harrow, N. W.

Digitized by VjOOQIC

XXVlll

Godwin, E. W., 3, Pall Mall, East W,
Goodhart, H. C, Trinity College^ Cambridge,
Goodrick, Rev. A. T. S., St Johris College, Oxford,
Goodwin, Prof. A., University College,, Gower Street^ W,C
Goodwin, Prof. W. W., Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass,
U,S,A,

fGordon, R. Q,,Kin^s School^ Canterbury,
Gore, Rev. C, Pusey House, 61, St, Giles, Oxford,
Gould, Theodore W., 8, Orrisdale Terrace, Cheltenham,
Gow, James (Council), 35, Fitzroy Square, JV.
Greenwell, Rev. Canon, F.R.S., Durham,
Greenwood, Prof. J. Q,, Principal of Owens College, Manchester-
Gregory, Right Hon. Sir William H., K.C.M.G., Coole Park,

Co, Galway, and 3, St. Georges Place, S, W,
Gregory, Rev. T. H., Padbury Vicarage, Buckins^ham,
Griffith, G., Harrow, N, W,
Guild, J. Wyllie, Park Terrace, Glasgow,
Guillemard, W. G., Harrow, N,IV,
Gurney, John, Sprowston Hall, Norwich,
Gwatkin, Rev. T., 74, Regent Street, Cambridge,
Haddon, Prof. A. C, Royal College of Science, Dublin,
Hager, Herman, Owens College, Manchester,
Hall, Rev. F. H., Oriel College, Oxford,
Hall, Rev. F. J., Wymondley House, Stevenage, Herts,
Hall, W. H.. Six Mile Bottom, Cambs,
Hallam, G. H., Byron House, Harrow, N, W,
Hamerton, P. G., Prk Charmoy, Autun, Sadne-et- Loire, France,

♦Harrison, Charles, 17, QueetCs Gate Place, South Kensington,

t Harrison, Miss J. E., 42, Powis Square, Bayswater, W,
Harrison, Mrs. Robert, 73, Cromwell Road, S. W,
Hartshorne, B. F., 41, Elm Park Gardens, Chelsect, S,W
Haslam, S., The School, Uppingham,
Hatch, Rev. E., Vice- Principal, St, Mary's Hall, Oxford,
HaussouUier, M., 44, Rue Barennes, Bordeaux,

fHaverfield, F. J., New College, Oxford.
Hawes, Miss E. P., 89, Oxford Terrace, W,
Hay, C. A., 127. Harley Street, W,
Hazzopuloy S., Bella Vista, Manchester,
Heard, W., Carrington House, Fettes College, Edinburgh,

tHeathcote, W. E., 114, Ebury Street, S,W,
Heberden, C. B., Brasenose College, Oxford,
Hervey, H., 12, Lowndes Street, W,
Heslop, Thomas P., M.D., F.R.CP., Birmingham,
Heydemann, Dr. Heinrich, The University, Halle,
Hicks, John Power, Clifton Lodge, Blomfield Road, Maida

Hill, W,
H icks,Rev. E. L.( Council), Fenny Compton Rectory, Leamington,

Digitized by LjOOQIC

XXIX

Hirschfeld, Prof. Gustave, Ph.D. fConigsbergy Germany,

Hodgson, F. C, Education Department^ Whitehall.

Holden, Rev. Henry, D.D., South Lujffenham Rect,^ Stamford*

Holden, Rev. H. A., LL.D. (Council), 20, Redcliffe Sguare,S. W.

Hollway-Calthrop, H. C, Stanhoe Hall, Kings Lynn,

Holmes, E. G. A., H.M.I.S., Willesborough, Ashford, Kent,

Homolle, M., Nancy, France,

Hope, Rt. Hon. A. J. Beresford, M.P., i, Connaught Place, W,

Hornby, Rev. J. J., D.D., Provost of Eton College, Windsor,

Horner, H. B., The College, Marlborough.

Hort, Rev. Prof., D.D. (Council), St. Peter's Terrace, Cambridge,

Howorth, Henry H., Derby House, Eccles, Manchester,

Hiigel, Baron Friedrich von, 4, HolfordRoad, Hampstecui, N. W,

Hughes, Rev. W. Hawker, Jesus College^ Oxford,

Hunt, William, Pen Villa, Yeovil,

Inge, W. R., Kings College, Cambridge.

Ingram, J. K., LL.D. (V.P.), Trinity College, Dublin,

lonides, Alex. A., i, Holland Park, W,

lonides, Luke A., 17, Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, W,

Jackson, Henry (Council), Trinity College, Cambridge,

Jackson, Rev. Blomfield, Kings College School, Strand,

Jackson, Rev. W. VJ,, Exeter College, Oxford,

Jackson, T. G., 11, Nottingham Place, Marylebone, W,
*James, Rev. H. A., Rossall, Fleetwood,

James, Rev. S. R., Eton College, Windsor.

James, Montague, Kings College, Cambridge,

Jassonidy, O. J., Nicosia^ Cyprus.

Jeans, Re\'. G. E., Haileybury College, Hertford,
*Jebb, Prof. R. C, LL.D. (V.P.), University, Glasgow.

Jenkinson, F. J. H., Ttinity College, Cambridge,

Jenner, Charles, Easter Duddington Lodge, Portobello, Mid-
Lothian.

Jenner, Louis Leopold C. A., 63, Brook Street, W*

Jenner, Miss Lucy A., 63, Brook Street, W,

Johnson, Thomas M., Osceola, Mo., U.S.A.

Jones, E. Burne, The Grange, North-end Road, Fulham.

Keep, R, P., Ph.D., Easthampton, Mass., U.S.A.

Keltie, J. S., 52, Cromwell Avenue, Highgate^ N.

Ker, W. P., AllSoHh^ College, Oxford.

King, Rev. J. R., St, Peter's Vicarage, Oxford,

Kitchin, The Very Rev. G. W., D.D., The Deanery, Winchester,

Lacaita, Sir James, 27, Duke Street, St, Jame^, S, W.

Lamb, J. G., 17, Wellesley Road, Great Yarmouth,

Lambros, Spiridion, Athens,
♦Lang, R. Hamilton, Ottoman Bank, 26, Throgmorton St., E.Q.

Lang, Andrew (Council), i, Marloes Road, Kensington, W.

Layard, Sir Henry, K.C.B., 4thenceum Club, S, W.

Digitized by VjOOQIC

XXX

Leaf, Herbert, Pains Hill, Cobham, Surrey,
fLeaf, Walter (Council), Old Change, E,C.
Lee, J. F., lo, Bismarck Platz IV., Dresden,
Leeper, Alexander, Warden of Trinity College, Melbourne,

Australia,
Leigh, W. Austen, King*s College, Cambridge
Leighton, Sir Frederick, P.R.A., Holland Park Road, W,
Le Strange, Captain, R.N., 46, Charles Street, Berkeley Sq., IV.
Levander, H. C, University College School, Gower Street, JV.C,
*t Lewis, Rev. S. S., Corpus Christi College, Cambridge,
*Leycester, Rafe, 6, Cheyne Walk, S, W., or Toft, Cheshire,
*Liddell,Very Rev. H. G., D.D., Dean ofChristchurch, Oxford,

Liddon, Rev. Canon, Christchurch, Oxford,
♦Lincoln, Rt. Rev. the Bishop of, Lincoln,
Lindley, William, 10, Kidbrook Ter., Shooter's Hill Rd,, S.E,
Lindley, Miss Julia, 10 Kidbrook Ter,, Shooter's Hill Rd., S.E,
Litchfield, R. B., 31, Kensington Square, W.
Livingstone, Rev. R. G., Pembroke College, Oxford,
Lloyd-Roberts, H., i, Pump Courts Temple,
fLock, Rev. W., Keble College, Oxford,
Lowell, His Excellency the Hon. J. Russell, American Ambas-
sador, 31, Lowndes Square, S, W,
♦Lubbock, Sir John, Bart., M.P. (Treasurer), High Elms,
Hayes, Kent,
Ludlow, T. W., Cottage Lawn, Yonkers, New York,
Lushington, E. L., Park House, Maidstone, Kent,
Luxmoore, H. E., Eton College, Wiftdsor.
Lyttelton, Hon. E., Eton College^ Windsor,
Lytton, Earl of, Knebworth, Stevenage, Herts,
♦Macan, R. W., Christchurch, Oxford.
Mackail, J. W., 2, Mandeville Place, W,
Macmillan, Alexander, 29, Bedford Street, Covent Garden, W.C,
*Macmillan, George A. (Hon. Sec), 29, Bedford St., Covent
Garden, W,C,
Macmillan, Mrs. George A., 19, Earls^ Terrace, Kensington, W.
Macmillan, M. C, Knapdale, Upper Tooting, S, W,
Macnaghten, E., Q.C., M.P., 3, New Square, Lincoln^ s

Inn, W.C.
Magrath, Rev. J. R., Provost of Queen's College, Oxford
Maguire, Prof, Trinity College, Dublin,
♦Mahaffy, Rev. Prof. J. P., Trinity College, Dublin,
Maine, Sir Henry, K.C.S.L, 27, Cornwall Gardens, S,W,, and

Trinity Hall Lodge, Cambridge,
Mann, J. S., Trinity College, Oxford,
Margoliouth, D. S., New College, Oxford.
Marshall. R., Broomfield, Duppas Hill, Croydon,
fMartin, John B., 17, Hyde Park Gate, S. W.

Digitized by VjOOQIC

XXXI

fMartyn, Edward, Tillyra Casile^ Ardrahan^ County Galway,

Mason, H. C F., Haileybury College y Hertford*

Mavrogordato, Emanuel A., 56, Westboume Terrace^ W.

Mavrogordato, Pandeli, South Sea House, TkreadneedleSt.yE.C.

McEwen, Rev. Alex. Robertson, Moffaty N,B.

McGregor, Sir Charles R., Bart., 3, Queen's Gate, S. W,

McPherson,Miss Florence, The Lodge yBlundell Sands, Liverpool.

Meeking, Miss, Richings Park, Slough,

Melas, Michele, Parnassos Society, Athens.

Merry, Rev. W. W., Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford,
*Middlemore, S. G. C, 78, Oakley Street, Chelsea, S. W,
*Middleton, H., 4, Storey's Gate, S.W.

Miller, Alex., Q.C., LL.D., Clonard, Stanmore,

Miller, Thomas, 8, Geismar ChaussSe, Gottingen, Germany,

Mills, Rev. W. H., Grammar School, Louth.

Milner, Alfred, 8, York Street, St, fames' Square, S. W.

Minchin, James Innes, 8, IVestdourne Park, IV,
fMisto, John P., Smyrna,

Moir, James, Grammar School^ Aberdeen,
♦Monk, C. J., M.P., 5, Buckingham Gate, S.IV.
♦Monro, D. B. (Council), Provost of Oriel College, Oxford,

Montzopulos, Athanasius, Parnassos Society, Athens,
♦Moraitis, Prof. D., Hellenic College, 84, Kensington Gardens

Square, W,
♦Morison, James Cotter, Clairvaux, Fitzjohn's Avenue, Hamfh
stead,

Morice, Rev. F. D., The School, Rugby,
♦Morley, Earl of (V.P.), 31, Princes' Gardens, S,W.

Morris, Lewis, Reform Club, Pall Mall, S, W.

Morshead, E. D. A., The College, Winchester,

Moss, Rev. H. W., The School, Shrewsbury,

Moule, C. W., Corpus Chris ti College, Cambridge,

Moulton, Rev. W. F., D.D., The Leys, Cambridge,

Mudie, C. E., The Limes, Muswell Hill, N,W,

Murray, G. S. D., 6, Campden Hill Road, W,
♦fMyers, Ernest (Council), 43, Albion Street, Hyde Park
Square, W,

Myriantheus, The Archimandrite H., 104, Inverness Ter,, W,

Nance, Rev. J. T., St, John's College, Oxford,

Negrepontis, Menelas, Parnassos Society, Athens,

Neil, R. A., Pembroke College, Cambridge,

Nettleship, R. L., Balliol College, Oxford,

Newman, W. L., Pittville Lawn, Cheltenham,
♦Newton, Prof. C. T., C.B. (V.P.), 2, Montague Place, W,C,

Nicolson, Rev. W., The Bible Society's Depdt, St, Petersburg.

Northampton, Marquess of, 145, Piccadilly, W,

Oddie, J. W., Lygwick Hall, Keswick,

Ogle, Rev. H. C, Magdalen College School, Oxford.

d Z

Digitized by VjOOQIC

Ogle, J. Wm M.D., 30, Cavenaish Square, W.

Page, T. E., Charterhouse, Godalming,

Palmer, Ven. Archdeacon, Christchurch, Oxford,

Park, Rev. Mungo T., Grammar School, Louth,

Parker, R. J., 2, Harcourt Buildings^ Temple^ E,C,

Parissis, G , Parnassos Society, Athens.

Parry, Rev. E. St. J., Stoke House, Slough,

Parry, R. St. J., Trinity College, Cambridge.

Parsons, Daniel, Stuarfs Lodge, Malvern Wells,

Pears, Edward, 2, Rue de la Banque, Constantinople,

Pearson, Rev. J. B., Whitstone Rectory, Exeter,

Peile, John , Chrisfs College, Cambridge,

Pelham, H. F. (Council), Exeter College, Oxford*

Pember, E. H., Q.C., Vicat^s Hill, near Lymington, Hants,

fPercival, F. W., 28, Savile Row, W,

Percival, Rev. J., D.D., President of Trinity College, Oxford,

Perkins, Charles C, 2, Walnut Street^ Boston, Mass., U,S.A.

Perry, Harold Arthur, 13, Old Square, Lincoln^ s Inn, W,C,

Perry, Ottley C, Bolton-le-Moors,

*Perry, Walter C. (Council), 7a, Manchester Square, W,
Phelps, Rev. Lancelot Ridley, Oriel College, Oxford.
Piatt, J. A., Trinity College, Cambridge,
Pollock, Sir Frederick, Bart, 59, Montagu Square, W,
Pollock, Frederick (Council), 48, Great Cumberland Place, W,
Poole, Reginald Stuart, British Museutn^ W. C
Porter, Rev. J. L., D.D., President of Queen' s College, Belfast,
Porter, Miss Sarah, Farmington, Connecticut, U,S, A,

fPostgate, Prof. J. P., Trinity College, Cainbrids^e,
Poynter, Edward J., R.A., 28, Albert Gate, S, W.

*Price, Prof. Bonamy, Norham Gardens, Oxford.
Prickard, A. O., New College, Oxford,
Prideaux, Miss Sarah, Goldsmith^ Hall, E,C.
Prothero, G. W., King's College, Cambridge,

fPryor, Francis R., Trinity College, Cambridge,
PuUan, R. P., <),Melbury Road, Kensington, W,
Radcliffe, W. W., King's College, Cambridge.

♦Ralli, Pandeli, M.P. (Council), 17, Belgrave Square, S, W.

fRalli, Mrs. Stephen A., Cleveland House, Thornton Road,
Clapham Park, S, W,

fRalli, Theodore, Parkfield, Queen's Road, Clapham Park, S, W,
Ramsay, W. M. , Bournabat, Smyrna,
Rawlins, F. H., Eton College, Windsor,
Rawnsley, W. F., Winton House, Winchester,
Raynor, Rev. P. E., The College, Marlborough.
Read, General Meredith, care of Messrs. Munro &• Co., 7, Rue

Scribe, Paris.
Reeve, Henry, C. B., 62, Rutland Gate, W,
Reid, J. S., Caius College, Cambridge,

Digitized by V3OOQIC

XXXUl

Kendall, Rev. F., 20, Ladbroke Square^ Notting Iliil, W.
fRendall, Prof. G. }l^ Principal 0/ University Coll, ^ Liverpool,

Reiiieri, M. Mario, Athens.

Rich, Anthony, Heene^ Worthing^ Sussex,

Richardson, B. W., M.D., F.R.S., 25, Manchester Square, W.
♦Richardson, H., The College, Marlborough

Richards, H,, Wadham College^ Oxford,

Richmond, Prof. W. B., Bevor Lodge, West End, Hammersmith,

Ridgeway, W., 2, Rockspring Terrace, Cork.

Rivington, Septimus, Waterloo Place, S. W.

Roberts, Rev. E. S. (Council), Caius College, Cambridge,

Robertson, E. Stanley, 43, Waterloo Road^ Dublin,

Robertson, Rev. Archibald, Hatfield Hall, Durham,

Robinson, Edward, care of Baring Bros, and Co., 8, Bishops-
gate, E.C,

Robinson, G. G., Charterhouse, Godalming,

Rolleston, T. W. H., 28, Terrassen Ufer, Dresden,
fRosebery, Earl of, Lansdowne House, Berkeley Square, W,

Rotton, J. F., 3, The Boltons, S. W,

Roundell, C. S., M.P., 16, Curzon Street, W.

Rous, Lieut.- Colonel, 14, Motcomb Street, ^, W.

Routledge, Rev. Canon, St. Martinis, Canterbury,

Rowlatt, S. A. T., Kin^s College, Cambridge,

Rutherford, Rev. W. Gunion, LL.D. (Council), 19, Dearis
Yard, Westminster, S, W,

Rylands, W. H., 11, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C,
tRyle, Rev. H. E., King*s College, Cambridge,
♦Samuelson, Sir B., Bart., M.P,, 56, Princes Gate, S, Kensington,

Sandys, Frederick, 28, Maud Grove, Fulham, S, W,
t Sandys, J. E. (Council), St.John^s College, Cambridge,

Saiunarez, Hon. James St. V., Bury St, Edmunds,
♦tSayce,Rev. Prof. A H., LL.D. (V.P.), Queen's Coll., Oxford,
fScaramanga, A. P., Crosby Buildings, Crosby Square, E. C
*Schliemann, Dr. H., Athens.

Schulhof, J. Maxirice, St, PauPs School, E.C,
♦Schuyler, Eugene, American Minister, Athens,
tScott, the Very Rev. Robert, D.D., The Deanery, Rochester,

Seaman, Owen, Clare College, Cambridge,
*Sellar, A. C, 75, Cromwell Road, S.W.

Sellar, Prof. W. Y., 15, Buckingham Terrace, Edinburgh,

Selwyn, Rev. E. J., Pluckley Rectory, Ashford, Kent.
fSendall, Walter J., 15, Southwell Gardens, South Kensington.

Seymour, Prof. Thomas D., Yale College, Newhaven, U.S. A,

Shadwell, C. L., Oriel College, Oxford.

Sharkey, J* A., Chris fs College, Cambridge.

Shuckburgh, E. S., Fair View, The Avenue, Cambridge.

Sidgwick, Arthur, Corpus Christi College, Oxford.

Sidgwick, Henry, Trinity College, Cambridge.

Digitized by VjOOQIC

XXXIV

Simpkinson, H. W., Education Office^ Whitehall^ S, W,

Simpson, H. B., 45, Gloucester Terrace^ Hyde Park, W.

Sinclair, Lieut H. M., R.E., Government House, Cyprus,
*Skinner, J. E. H., 3, Dr, Johnson's Buildings, Temple, E.C.
*Skrine, H. D., Claverton Manor, Bath,
*Skrine, Rev. J. H., Uppingham, Rutland,

Skuludesi Stephanos, Syra, Greece,

Smith, Arthur H., Trinity College, Cambridge,

Smith, Cecil, British Museum, W,C,

Smith, Ernest H., Trinity College, Cambridge,
f Smith, Prof. Gold win, The Grange, Toronto, Canada,

Smith, R. J., 2, Tanfield Court, Temple, E,C,

Smith, William, LL.D. 94, Westboume Terrace, W,
fSnow, T. C, St, John's College, Oxford,
t Somerset, Arthur, Frimley Priory, Farnborough, Hants,
f Sotheby, Mrs., 93, Onslow Square, S, W,
tSouthwell, The Right Rev. the Bishop of, Southwell
♦Spartali, Michael, 25, Old Broad Street, E,C,

Spoon^r, Rev. W. A., New College, Oxford,

Spratt, Vice-Admiral, C.B., Tunbridge Wells,

Spring-Rice, S. E., 113a, Queen's Gate, S. W,

Stanton, Charles H., 65, Redclijffe Gardens, S, W,

Statham, H. Heathcote, 42^, Queen Ann^s Gate, S. W,

Stephenson, Rev. H. M., .5*/. Peter's School, York,

Stewart, Thos. A., H.M.I.S., Keith, Banffshire,

St. Hilaire, Marquis de Queux de, 3, Rue Soufflot, Paris,
♦Stillman, W. J., The Shrubbery, Clapham Common, S, W,

Stogdon, J., Harrow, N, W,

Stone, Rev. E. D., Stonehonse, St, Peter's, Isle of Thanet,

Strachan-Davidson, J. L., Balliol College, Oxford,

Street, A. R., St, Chad's, Denstone, Uttoxeter,
♦fStuart, Hon. W., C.B., HB,M, Minister, The Hague.
♦Sturgis, Julian R., 17, Carlton House Terrace, W,

Surr, Watson, 28, Threadneedle Street, E, C,

Swanwick, Miss Anna, 23, Cumberland Terrace, N, W,
♦Symonds, J. A. (Council), Davos Platz, Grisons, Switzerland,

Talbot, Rev. E. S. Warden of Keble College, Oxford.

Tancock, Rev. C. C, Charterhouse, Godalming,

Tarver, J. C, Clifton College, Bristol,

Tatton, R. G., Balliol College, Oxford.

Taylor, Mrs. P. A., 22, Ashley Place, S, W,

Theologos, Pantaleon, Director of the Credit Bank, Athens,

Thomas, Charles G., 12, Grafton Street, W,

Thomas, Rev. T. LI., fesus College, Oxford,
♦Thompson, E. M. (V.P.), British Museum, W,C.

Thompson, E. S., Christ's College, Cambridge.

Thompson, F. E., Cotton House, Marlborough College,

Thompson, H. Yates, 26a, Bryanston Square, W,

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XXXV

*t Thompson, Rev. W. H . , D. D. (V. P.), Master of Trinity College,
Cambridge,

Thorley, G. E., Warden of Wadham College^ Oxford,

Thring, Rev. E., Uppingham.

Thursfield, J. R. (Council), ii, Montague Place, W.C.

Tilley, ArUiur, icing's College, Cambridge,
*tTozer, Rev. H. F. (V.P.), i8, Norham Gardens, Oxford.
*Trevelyan, Sir Charles, Bart. , K. C. B., 8, Grosvenor Cres,, S, W.
♦fTrotter, Rev. CouttSy Trinity College, Cambridge,
fTruell, H. P., F.R.C.S., Clonmannon, Ashford, Co, Wicklow,

Tuck, Rev. A. J., The School, Uppingham.
♦fTuckett, F. F., Frenchay, near Bristol,
^iTuckennan, Hon. C. K., iS, Avenue Kliber, Paris.

Tudeer, Dr. Emil, Helsingfors, Sweden.
f Tumbull, Mrs. PeveriU, Wyaston Grove, Ashbourne,

Tylden, H., Exeter College, Oxford,

Tylor, E. B. (Council), The Museum House, Oxford

Tyrrell, Prof. R. Y. (V.P.), Trinity College, Dublin,
♦Tyrwhitt, Rev. R. St. J., Ketilby, Oxford

Upcott, E. A., Wellington College, Wokingham.

Upcott, L. E., The College, Marlborough.

Urquhart, Miss Margaret, 5, St, Colme Street, Edinburgh.
*Valetta, J. N., Principal of Hellenic College, 84, Kensington

Gardens Square, W.
f Valieri, Octavius, 2, Kensington Park Gardens, W

Vardy, Rev. A. R., King Edwards School, Birmingham.

Vaughan, the Very Rev. C. J., Dean of Llandaff, The Temple^

E,C,
fVaughan, E. L., Eton College, Windsor.

Verrall, A. W., Trinity College, Cambridge.

Vince, C. A., Repton, Burton-on-Trent,
*Vincent, Edgar, Cairo, Egypt,
fWagner, Henry, 13, Half Moon Street, W,

Waldstein, Charles, Ph.D. (Council), A7«^j College, Cambtidge,

Walford, Edward, 2, Hyde Park Mansions, N, W.
*Ward, Prof. A. W., The Owens College, Manchester.

Ward, W. W., Cliffe Court, Frenchay, Bristol.

Ward, T. H., 61, Russell Square, W.C.

Walker, Rev. F. A., D.D., 33, Bassett Road, Notting Hill, W.

Warr, Prof. G. C, King's College, Strand, W.C,
f Warre, Rev. Edmond, Eton College, Windsor,

Warren, T. H., Magdalen College, Oxford,

Washboum, Rev. J. R., Cathedral School, Gloucester.

Watson, A. G., Harrow, N, W.

Watson, Robert, North Seaton, Morpeth, Northumberland,
*Way, Rev. J. P., The College, Marlborough,

Waytc, Rev. W. (Council), 6, Onslow Square, S, W,
tWelldon, Rev. J. E. C. (Council), Dulwich College, S,E.

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XXXVl

Wells, J., Wadham College, Oxford.

Weymouth, Dr. R. F., Mill Hill, N. W.

Wheeler, Prof. J. H., University of Virginia^ Albemarle Co,i
Virginia,

Whibley, C, Thanet Court, Strand, W.C,
f White, A. Cromwell, 3, Harcourt Buildings, Temple.

White, John Forbes, 107, King Street^ Aberdeen,

White, Prof. J. W., Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A.

Whitehead, R. R., Borden Wood, Milland, Liphook, Hants.

Whitehouse, F. Cope, 10, Cleveland Row, St, James^, S. W.

Wickham, Rev. E. C, Wellington College^ Wokingham.

Wicksteed, Francis W. S., M.D., Chester House, Weston-
super-Mate.
♦Wilde, Oscar, 116, Park Street, Grosvenor Square, W.

Wilkins, Prof. A. S., LL.D., The Owens College, Manchester.

WiUert, P. F., Exeter College, Oxford.
*Winwood, Rev. H. H., 11, Cavendish Crescent, Bath.

Wood, G., Pembroke College, Oxford.
*Wood, J. T., 24, Albion Street, Hyde Park, W.

Wood, Rev. W. S., Ufford Rectory, Stamford,
fWoods, Rev. H. G., Trinity College, Oxford.

Woodward, Rev. W. H., 13, St. Domingo Grove, Everton,
Liverpool.

Woolner, Thomas, R.A., 29, Welbeck Street^ W.
fWren, Walter, i, Powis Square, W.

Wright, R. S., i, Paper Buildings, Temple, E.C
tWright, W. Aldis, Trinity College, Cambridge.

Wroth, Warwick W., British Museum, W.C.

Wyndham, Rev. Francis M., St. Charted College, St. Charles
Square, W.

Yates, Rev. S. A. Thompson, 396, Commercial Road, E.
♦Young, Rev. E. M., The School, Sherborne.

Yule, Miss Amy, care of Messrs, Grindlay 6r* Co., 55, Parlia-
ment Street, S. W.

York, His Grace the Lord Archbishop of, York.

The Society for the Promotion of Greek Literature in
Athens.'

* This Society has agreed to contribute £$ ss. annually to the
funds of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies.

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XXXVll

LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS TO THE JOURNAL
OF HELLENIC STUDIES.

The Andover Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass,, U,S.A.

The National University, Athens.

The American School, Athens,

The John Hopkins Library, Baltimore,

The Peabody Institute, Baltimore, U.S.A.

The Royal Museum Library, Berlin,

The Royal Library, Berlin,

The Boston Athenaeum Library, Boston^ U,S.A,

The Public Library, Boston, U.S.A.

The University Library, Breslau,

The Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British

Museum, W,C.
The Buffalo Young Men's Library, Buffalo, U,S,A,
The Harvard College Library, Cambridge, Mass., U,S,A,
The Library of King's College, Cambridge,
The Fitzwilliam Archaeological Museum, Cambridge.
The Public Library, Cincinnati, U,S,A,
The King's Inns Library, Dublin,
The National Library of Ireland, Dublin, B,F,S,
The Durham Cathedral Library, Durham,
The University Library, Erlangen.
The University Library, Glasgow,
The University Library, Gottingen.
The Philological Society of the University of Gressen,
The Royal University Library, Greifswald,
The Dartmouth College Library, Hanover, U,S,A
The Cornell University Library, Ithaca, N, V.
The Royal and University Library, Kdnigsberg.
The Free Library, Liverpool,
The Library of University College, London,
The Public Library, Leeds.
The Athenaeum Club, Pall Mall, London, S. W.
The Burlington Fine Arts Club, Savile Row, London, W,
The London Library, St, Jamej^s Square, London^ S, W,
The Reform Club, Pall Mall, London, S. W.
The Sion College Library, London Wall, E,C.
The Amherst Library, Amherst, Mass.
The Royal Library, Munich,
The Library of Yale College, Newhaven,
The Astor Library, New York.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
The Library of the College of the City of New York, New York,

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XXXVlll

The Library of Worcester College, Oxford.

The Library of Christchurch, Oxford,

The Library of New College, Oxford.

The Library of University College, Oxford,

The University, Prague,

The Union Society, Oxford,

The School Reading Room, Rugby.

The St. Louis Mercantile Library, St, Louis ^ U,S,A,

The Library of King's College School, Strand, IV,C,

Tke Imperial University and National Library, Strassburg,

The Free Library, Sydney ^ New South Wales,

The University Library, Toronto,

The Public Library, Winterthur,

The Free Library, Worcester. Mass,, U,S,A,

LIST OF JOURNALS, &C., RECEIVED IN EXCHANGE
FOR THE JOURNAL OF HELLENIC STUDIES.

The AthenaioD, Athens,
The Pamassos Philological Journal, Athens.
The Bulletin de Correspondance Helldnique (published by the
French School at Athens).

The Publications of the Archaeological Society, Athens.
The Mittheilungen of the German Institute at Athens.
The Journal of the Historical and Ethnological Society of

Greece, A thefts,
Bursian's Jahresbericht fUr classische Alterthumswissenschaft.
The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
The Archaologische Zeitung, Berlin,

The Revue Arch^ologique, Paris (per M. Georges Perrot, 45,

rue d^Ulm),
The Numismatic Chronicle.

The Publications of the Evangelical School, Smyrna,
The Annuaire de T Association pour T Encouragement des

Etudes Grecques en France, Paris,

The Publications of the German Imperial Archaeological
Institute, Rome,

The Journal of the American Archaeological Institute, Boston.
C/.SA,

The Publications of the Imperial Archaeological Commission,

St, Petersburg.
The Transactions of the Cambridge Philological Society.
The Journal of Philology.

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THE SESSION OF 1884.

The First Oeneral Meeting was held at 22, Albemarle
Street, on Thursday , March 13, at 5 P.M., when PROFESSOR
Sidney Colvin, V.P., was in the chair.

Mr. Walter Leaf read a paper on certain details in the
construction and harness of Homeric Chariots, with especial
reference to Iliad^ Book xxiv. (1. 265-74). {Journal^ Vol. V*
p. 185). His main object was to show that Homer's account
of the yoking of the mule-car was in substantial agreement
both with the details found on Greek vases, and with the
necessities of practical use.

Professor Percy Gardner read a paper on " Banquet-
ing Scenes on Greek Tombs," pointing out that three views
of their significance had been maintained by rival archaeo-
logists : (i) that the .banquet belonged to the past life of
the person buried, being an ordinary event of every-day life,

(2) that it stood for the sepulchral feast, or the offerings
brought to the tomb of a dead man by his surviving family,

(3) that it represented the sensual pleasures of the Greek
Hades {Journal^ Vol. V. p. 105).

The Second Oeneral Meeting was held at 22, Albemarle
Street, on Thursday, May 17, at 5 P.M., PROFESSOR C. T.
Newton, V.R, in the chair.

Mr. Theodore Bent read a paper on a recent visit to
the Cyclades {Journal, Vol. V. p. 42), pointing out that in

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these islands might be studied (i) the great pre-historic
empire of which traces have been found at Santorin, (2) the
great age of Greek history, (3) the times of the Crusades,
and (4) the character, customs, and language of the modern
Greeks, nowhere so pure as here. Mr. Bent then proceeded
to give an account of the pre-historic objects which he had
found. The Chairman described the paper as of great
interest, especially to the Society, as carrying out the kind
of researches which it was especially intended to promote.
He hoped that Mr. Bent would be able to carry his researches
further. The pre-historic remains were particularly remark-
able, because the little images, of which specimens had been
shown, were always considered to belong to a very early
period, and in these examples, a certain gradation in skill
was more evident than in any previous case. Again, these
rude images were here for the first time associated with
equally rude pottery. Hitherto, the pottery found in con-
nection with them had been decidedly later in character.
This was a distinct advance of our knowledge of this pre-
historic civilization.

Mr. D. B. Monro, Provost of Oriel, read a paper on the
Epic Cycle, in continuation of one which appeared in Vol.
IV. of the Journal, Of the Cyclic poems represented in
the abstract of Proclus, Mr. Monro sketched the character
and contents of the Aethiopes and Ilion Persis of Arctinus,
and of the so-called Little Iliady showing how they carry
on the story of the Iliad with interesting differences in detail,
introducing some incidents and ideas ^of a distinctly post-
Homeric character, and in some cases giving variant versions
of incidents used by the Tragic poets {Journal, Vol. V. p. i).
The Chairman pointed out that the study of the Epic Cycle
was of peculiar value in connection with the study of vases,
where subjects taken not only from the Iliad and Odyssey,
but from the other poems, are of frequent occurrence.
Professor Jebb said that the chronology of the Cyclic poems
was specially interesting, as giving the only clue to the
inferior limit of the date of Homer.

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xli

THE ANNUAL MEETING

Was held at 22, Albemarle Street, on Thursday^ June 26,
when the chair was taken by the BiSHOP OF DURHAM,
President of the Society. The following Report was read
by the HON. Sec. on behalf of the Council : —

It was pointed out in the Report of last year that the resources of the Society did
not as yet admit of much being done towards the fulfilment of its objects other than
the publication of the Journal. The fourth volume of the Journal — containing an
unusually full and varied collection of papers — ^must still be regarded as the chief
fruit of the Society's labours in the year now ended. With the second part of the
volume were issuoi three coloured plates, the exceptional cost of which seemed to
the Council to be fully justified by the beauty of their workmanship and the
unique interest of the paintings there reproduced,

Tne publication in the volume of 1803 ^^ several more of the valuable series of
papers in which Mr. W. M. Ramsay has from time to time recorded the results of
his researches in Asia Minor, suggests a reference to the remarkable success of his
work, with w hich the Society has from the first been at least indirectly associated.
The Report issued by the Committee of the Asia Minor Exploration Fund some
months ago was a most satisfactory proof of the results which the well-directed
energy of the explorer has been able to achieve with comparatively small resources.
So encouraging was this Report, and so strong was the testimony borpe to the
value of Mr. Ramsay's work by some of the leading scholars and archaeologists of
Europe, that the greater part of the fiirther sum of ^500 required for the continua-
tion of the work was raised within a few weeks of the publication of the Report.
Towards this sum the Council of this Society voted a contribution of £^0^
Mr. Ramsay has now started again into Phrygia, and has been joined by another
member of the Society, Mr. A. H. Smith, who has contributed more than one
paper to the Journal of Hellenic Studies, Towards the expenses of Mr. Smith
the sum of ^loo has been voted firom the Worts Fund by the University of
Cambridge.

In last year's Report reference was made to a project for establishing a British
School at Athens. In accordance with the intention there expressed, the Hellenic
Society was last autumn invited to nominate two representatives to serve on the
Executive Committee in charge of the scheme. In answer to this invitation
Mr. Newton and Mr. Macmillan, who, with a good many other members of the
Society were already members of the Committee in question, were, at the General
Meeting of October 18, chosen to reprcFcnt the Society.

The reproduction by photQgraphy of the Laurentian Codex of Sophocles,
which was undertaken two years ago under the sanction, though not upon the
responsibility, of the Society, has been delayed longer than was anticipated. But
the work is now far advanced, and it is confidently hoped that the copies may be
jeady for issue to the subscribers in the course of the coming autumn.

The financial position of the Society, as shown by the Balance Sheet now
;5ubmitted, may be regarded as decidedly satisfactory. The total income of the
year amounts, with last year's balance of ;^993. os, iicf, to ;f 1,840. 2J. 6d., while
the expenditure, which covers the total cost of two numbers of the Journal, and a
considerable part of the cost of a third, amounts to ■;^939. or. 6</., leaving a
Jaalance in the banker's hands of ;f90i. 2j. But this expenditure includes ;^IP5
of Life Subscriptions invested in Consols during the year, thus raising the sum so
invested to the sum of ;f 493. lOf. Against the balance of ;f90i. 2j. should be set
liabilities — including the cost of printing Vol. IV. Part 2 of the Journal — ^amounting
to about £23$. On the other hand there are arrears of unpaid subscriptions
amounting to about £iSo, The increase of members is decidedly gieater than lasvt

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xlii

year, 74 aorainst 49. This is no doubt partly due to the issue of a circular describing
the position and objects of the Society, and inviting the candidature of all persons
interested in Hellenic Studies. Copies of this circular may still be obtained from
the Hon. Sec by members who are willing to use their best efforts to obtain
further support for the Society. It should be remembered that every year, by
death or resignation, a certain loss occurs which must be made good. In the past
year such loss amounts to 23.

Besides the 568 individual members, there are now 49 Libraries subscribing to
the Journal, of which 17 have been added to the list^ince the last Annual Meetuig.
But satisfactory as its progress has been so far, much yet remains to be done if the
Society is to fulfil all the objects which it professedly has in view.

The Council therefore, in conclusion, once more express the hope that members
will lose no opportunity of making the Society known, and securing for it
continually increasing support among all who have at heart the promotion of
Hellenic Studies in this country.

This Report having been unanimously adopted on the motion of the Dean of
Llandaff, seconded by Prof. Lewis Campbell, the President read out the list of
Officers and Council, for the ensuing year, which was duly confirmed. The only
change in the constitution of the Council was the appointment of Pro£ L. Campbell,
Mr. C. Waldstein and Mr. James Qow, in the place of Mr. Chenery deceased, and
Mr. Peile and Prof. Mahaffy who retire. The President then delivered an address
upon the work that had been done by the Society hitherto, and that might be done
in the future. After expressing regret that he was only now for the first time
appearing in the office which he fdt it a high honour to hold, the Bishop of
Durham sincerely congratulated the Society upon its achievements so far. The
Journal, for its originality and scholarship, for the interest and variety of its
articles, might challenge comparison with any similar periodical, whether English
or foreign. Referring to the forthcoming reproduction by photography of the
Laurentian Codex of Sophocles, the President said that the reproduction of any
Unique manuscript was of essential importance, in the case of its loss by fire. It
Was satisfactory to note that the Society had taken an active part in promoting the
scheme for a British School at Athens. It was hardly creditable that England
should be so far behind her neighbours in the establishment of such a school,
considering her close political connection with Greece, and her really wide
interest in Greek literature. Until there was such a centre of work established on
Greek soil Hellenic studies in England would be at a decided disadvantage.
Referring to the Society's work in the field of exploration, the Bishop of Durham
said that, perhaps, to most scholars Hellas proper presented greater attractions,
but for his own part he ventured to think that the ground which had actually
fallen to the lot of the Society would yield even richer results. Beneath the soil of
Asia Minor lay hidden the key to many an interesting problem in history and
ethnology. As an example might be cited the light recently thrown upon the
remarkable extension of the Hittite empire. Referring to his own special line of
study, the President dwelt in some detail upon the value of Mr. Ramsay's
discoveries as illustrating the early history of the Christian Church in Phrygia,
and showed by several examples how much might be learnt even from the
finding on an inscription of a single name. Mr. Ramsay had still before him
imp)ortant and numerous discoveries, and it was greatly to be hoped that his work
would not be hindered by lack of funds. The President, in conclusion, threw out
two suggestions for the Society's work in the future. In the first place might be
undertaken by competent persons the thorough investigation of the monastic and
other libraries in the East. The investigators should be competent in every branch
of Hellenic study, or some manuscripts of great value might escape if they chanced
not to belong to their special department. Thus the invaluable manuscript of the
Epistle 'of Clement of Rome was found only a few years ago in a library at
Con<;tantinople which had been already examined by three trained scholars,
English, French, and German, all of whom were no doubt concentrating their
attention on the discovery of classical manuscripts. But from any point of view
the discovery of a piece of genuine Christian literature of the first century A.D. —

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xliii

that great crisis in the world's history — ^was surely of the highest importance.
Another work that might usefully be undertaken by the Society was the mapping
out of subjects to be worked upon by competent young scholars, who would devote
time and labour to their solution. Many vexed questions might be cleared up in
this way. While congratulating the Society upon its achievements in the past, the
President trusted that its ambition would not stop there, but push on its conquests
to regions yet unconquered.

Mr. Gardner stated that the next number of the Journal of Hellenic Studies
would not be published until the autumn, by whicn time an ample supply of
papers would be forthcoming. He thought that if the excellent advice of the
President as to the mapping out of subjects for investigation could be followed at
Oxford and Cambridge, the greatest benefit would result both to the individual
workers and to the cause of learning at large. Mr. Newton, in moving a vote of
thanks to the auditors, took occasion to refer both to the work of the Society and
to the general progress of archaeological research during the past year. He was
peculiarly glad to hear from so great an authority as the President of the Society
so high an estimation of Mr. Ramsay's work, for he had himself been concerned
in appointing Mr. Ramsay as a travelling Fellow to the University of Oxford and
in indicating his field of labour. Under extraordinary difficulties and in a com-
paratively short time Mr. Ramsay had established important historical results.
Alluding to Mr. Wood's discoveries at Ephesus, Mr. Newton said that the
inscriptions published in his book gave no idea of the store of facts contained in
the mass of Ephesian inscriptions at the British Museum. In these, which had
been carefiiUy examined by Mr. Hicks and would be published next 3rear, a new
and most instructive light was thrown upon the constitution of the great hierarchy
which governed the Temple of Artemis. It was a shamefiil thing, said the
speaker, that when the Government grant had been exhausted Mr. Wood's
frequent appeals to the British public for funds to carry on his researches had been
practically unheard ; whereas, when the grant made by the German Government
for the excavation of Olympia had been exhausted, a sufficient sum was at once
raised by private subscription to complete the excavation of the Altis. The great
hope was that young men were now being trained at our Universities who would
be in time competent to carry out the work of exploration. For twenty years
past, in France and Germany, there had been a constant succession of young
scholars, first sent to the schools at Athens, then upon special missions, and in
course of time promoted to Chairs of archaeology at the different Universities.
Such a supply of men, and such means of steady promotion, we might one day
hope to see in England. After pointing out that much help might be given to
exploration by wealthy Englishmen who went year after year to the Mediterranean
in their yachts, Mr. Newton concluded with a rapid survey of the discoveries of
the year, dwelling especially upon the remarkable tomb of a Seleucid monarch
found by the Germans in Kurdistan. In Greece the plan of the Temple at Eleusis
had been finally established, and at the entrance of the Temple of Aesculapius at
Epidaurus had been found a set of inscriptions recording in detail how certain
muscles were worked.

The proceedings were concluded by a vote of thanks to the Chairman moved
by Mr. D, B, Monro, Provost of Oriel, and seconded by Mr. Henry Jackson.

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

In an article published in the last volume of this Journal I
endeavoured to show (1) that the extant fragments of the
' chrestomathy ' of Proclus represent the Trojan part of the
'Epic Cycle' more completely than has been maintained by
eminent scholars ; and (2) that, on the other hand, they are less
trustworthy than they appear to be as a. source of knowledge of
the so-called * Cyclic ' poems. That is to say, the notion of a con-
siderable lamna in Proclus' abstract is not borne out by a more
thorough examination of the only extant manuscript. But
that abstract does not always give a fiiU or accurate account
of the several poems from which the Epic Cycle was made up.
And this incompleteness is found (1) when two of the poems
dealt with the same part of the story — in which case the abstract
leaves out one of the two versions altogether ; — and also (2) when
the incidents of a poem are not in harmony with the accepted
mythological narrative. In the latter case the abstract gives the
version which was recognised as historically true. We have, in
short, an account, not of the original poems, but of so much of
their contents as served for a continuous and complete history
of the world.

It is difficult to determine whether these omissions and
alterations were made in the poems themselves — so that the
' Epic Cycle ' consisted (to some extent at least) of extracts— ^x
only in the account of them given by Proclus. On the latter
view — which is supported by the high authority of Welcker —
the Epic Cycle would be little more than a canon or accredited
list of the most important ancient epics.

H. S. — VOL. v. B

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2 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

I have indicated a preference for the opinion that the ' poems
of the Epic Cycle ' had themselves undergone some process of
mutilation to fit them for their place in the poetical chronicle.
But for the purpose of the inquiry now before us it is immaterial
how this question is decided. It will be enough if we bear in
mind that the portion of narrative assigned to each poem in the
abstract of Proclus does not always represent the plan and argu-
ment of the original work ; consequently that the continuous
and consistent narrative of the abstract is not due to the ancient
^ Cyclic ' poets themselves. And with this notion of a strict
chronological sequence in the matter of the original poems, we
must dismiss from our minds the unfavourable view which it
implies of their merit as works of art. It cannot be too clearly
understood that the scriptor cydicus of Horace has nothing to do
with the ancient epic poets now in question.

THE CYPRIA.

The first of the poems which composed the Trojan part of the
Epic Cycle was the Cypria. It was in eleven books, and was
generally attributed to Stasinus of Cyprus, sometimes to
Hegesias, or Hegesinus, of Salamis in Cyprus. The argument
as given by Proclus is as follows : —

Zeus having consulted with Themis as to the lightening of
the earth fi:om the burden of its increasing multitudes, and
being advised to bring about a great war, sends Discord to the
marriage of Peleus and Thetis, and by means of the golden
apple causes a quarrel between the three goddesses, Here,
Athene, and Aphrodite. The victory of Aphrodite by the
' Judgment of Paris ' leads to the voyage of Paris to Sparta, in
which he is accompanied by Aeneas, the son of Aphrodite. The
voyage is undertaken in spite of prophetic warnings from
Helenus and Cassandra. On the return journey, according to
Proclus' abstract, a storm was sent by Here, and Paris was
driven out of his course as far as Sidon, which he took ; but in
the original poem, as we know fi-om Herodotus (2. 117), he
reached Troy in three days, with a fair wind and smooth sea.
The story then returned to Sparta, and related the war of the
Dioscuri with the Messenian twins, Idas and Lynceus, the
death of Castor, and the alternate immortality granted by Zeus

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 3

to Castor and Pollux. Then come the preparations for the war.
Menelaus goes for advice to Agamemnon, and then to N^tor,
who relates the stories of Epopeus and the daughter of Lycus,
of Oedipus, of the madness of Hercules, and of Theseus and
Ariadne. They then make a circuit of Greece, and assemble
the chiefs for the expedition against Troy. Ulysses, feigning
madness to avoid serving, is detected by Palam^des. The fleet
is mustered at Aulis in Boeotia, where the incident of the
sparrows takes place, with the prophecy of Calchas founded
upon it {II. 2. 300 flf.). The Greeks then set sail, but land by
mistake in Teuthrania, where they encounter the Mysians under
Telephus. In this combat Telephus is wounded by Achilles.
On leaving Teuthrania the fleet is scattered by a storm, and
Achilles is cast on the island of Scjnros, where he marries the
daughter of Lycomedes. Telephus, on the advice of an oracle,
comes to Argos, is cured of his woun<i by Achilles, and under-
takes to serve as guide to the Greeks. The fleet is again
assembled at Aulis, and this time we have the story of Iphi-
genia — ending, however, not with her death, but as in the
version of the Iphigenia in Tauris, On the way to Troy
Philoctetes is wounded by the serpent, and left behind on the
island of Lemnos. Achilles quarrels with Agamemnon on a
question of precedence at the banquet. On the Greeks landing
in the Troad there is a battle in which Protesilaus is killed by
Hector: then Achilles puts the Trojans to flight and slays
Cycnus, son of Poseidon. Then follows the embassy mentioned
in 11. 3. 206 fi*. : then an attack on the walls of Troy {rei^xoiMir
'X^ia) : after which the Greeks ravage the Troad and take the
smaller towns. Achilles desires to see Helen, and the meeting
is brought about by Aphrodite and Thetia He restrains the
Greeks from returning home, and performs various exploits
mentioned or implied in the Iliad, ending with the taking of
Thebe and the division of spoil in which he obtains Briseis
as his prize. Next comes the death of Palamedes^ and the
resolve of Zeus to aid the Trojans by withdrawing Achilles
from the Greek side. Finally there is a catalogue of the
Trojan allies.

The number of fragments given in KinkeVs edition is twenty^
two (besides three doubtful references). About half of them
are quotations, amounting in all to more than forty lines. The

B 2

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4 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

{ragments add something to our knowledge of the details of the
poem, and they serve (with the important exception of the
passage of Herodotus mentioned above) to confirm the outline
given by Proclus. Thus the opening lines (fr. 1 Kinkel) describe
the ' counsel of Zeus ' for the relief of the too populous earth
{fjV ore fjbvpla <f>v\a k.tX,). Two fragments (3 and 4) in
Athenaeus probably describe Helen arraying herself for the
judgment of Paris. Another in the same author (fr. 6) relates
how Nemesis, the mother of Helen, was pursued by Zeus, and
changed herself into many and various shapes to avoid him.

Several fragments (6, 7, 9, 14) belong to the episode of the
Dioscuri : from one of them we learn that Lynceus was endowed
with superhuman powers of sight, so that he could see from
Taygetus over the whole Peloponnesus, and through the trunk
of the oak in which the Dioscuri were hiding. Fr. 11 refers
to the son bom to Achilles in Scyros, and tells us that the name
'Pyrrhus,' which does not occur in Homer, was given by
Lycomedes, the name * Neoptolemus ' by Phoenix. In fr. 16 we
have the account given by the Gypria to explain how it
happened that Chryse'is, being a native of Chryse, was taken by
Achilles in the sack of Thebe (iZ, 1. 369). Eegarding the death
of Palamedes fr. 18 related that he was drowned while fishing,
by Diomede and Ulysses. There are also references in the
fragments to the spear given by the gods to Peleus (fr. 2), the
quarrel of Achilles and Agamemnon (fr. 13), the slaying of Pro-
tesilaus (fr. 14). There is also a notice (fr. 17) of a curious
piece of mythology which does not appear at all in the argu-
ment of Proclus, viz. the story of Anius of Delos and his three
daughters, called Oivo), ^irepjid), and 'EXaif?. These names
were given to them on account of their magical power of
producing an infinite quantity of wine, seed {i.e. com), and
oil ; so that once when the Greek army was threatened with
famine, Agamemnon (on the advice of Palamedes) sent for
them, and they came accordingly to Rhoeteum and fed the
Greek army.

The ' purpose of Zeus to relieve the Trojans,* with which
Proclus ends his abstract of the Cypria^ was obviously intended
to lead up to the opening lines of the Iliady and in particular
to the famous words in the fifth line — A«o9 S' erekeUro fiovXij.
If so, the whole poem must have been composed as an introduc-

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 5

tion to the Hiad, like the Ante-homerica of the later epic poets.
It may be doubted, however, whether this extreme subservience
to Homer can be attributed to the original poet. He begins
his work, as we have seen, with a * purpose of Zeus * to bring
about the war —

S<f>pa K€V(oa€i€v OavaTtp fidpo^; oi B' ivl Tpoirj
fjptoe^ KTeivovTO, Ato9 S' ireT^^lero fiovXi],

Here there is a no less evident echo of the words of the Iliad,
but with the eflfect of putting a different meaning upon them.
The question therefore arises — is it likely that the author of
the Cypria would tiuice make use of the notion of a purpose of
Zeus, in both cases clearly pointing to the fiovX^ A109 of the
Iliad, but involving two entirely different interpretations of
that phrase ? If not, we must suppose that the fiovX^ Ai6<;
placed at the end of the Cypria by Proclus does not belong to
the original poem, but was introduced (like the expedition to
Sidon) for the sake of agreement with Homer.

Of the plan and structure of the Cypria we learn something
from the Poetics of Aristotle, where it is given as an example of
the poems that have ' one hero, one time, and one action, con-
sisting of many parts ' (prepl iva koI irepl ha xp^yov Kal filav
TTpa^iv iroXvfieprj), The hero is evidently Paris; the main
action is the carrying away of Helen (EXevr)^ apwayi]). The
'one time' is more difficult to understand, in a poem which
begins with the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, and comes down
to a late period in the Trojan war. Possibly the time was
shortened by the device of introducing the earlier part of the
story in the form of an episode (as in the Odyssey), but of
this there is no trace in our authorities. A further element
of unity, however is furnished by the agency of Aphrodite,
which has very much the same prevailing influence over the
course of events in the Cypria that the agency of Athene has
in the Odyssey, This may be seen even in minor incidents, such
as the visit of Achilles to Helen, and in the prominence given
to Aeneas. The hero, accordingly, is the favourite of Aphrodite,
just as the hero of the Odyssey is the favourite of Athene. We
may gather, therefore, that the poem was characterised by a
distinct ethos, or vein of moral feeling. On the other hand, it

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6 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

is proved by the testimony of Aristotle that the Cypria had
much less unity of plan than the Iliad and Odyssey. It was not
indeed one of the poems in which all the adventures of a hero
are strung together, as in the later Theseids and Heracleids of
which Aristotle speaks in another place {PoeL c. 8). But the
several parts of the action had an independent interest and
artistic value, such as we do not find in the Homeric poems :
they were not so completely subordiDated to the main action as
to be lost in it. In support of this criticism Aristotle points to
the fact (noticed in the previous article, see voL iv. p. 317) that
the story of the Cypria yielded a great many subjects for
tragedies, whereas the /Zmrfand Odyssey ^d, not lend themselves
readily to this mode of treatment. Other reasons may have
contributed to this result ; it may be urged, for instance, that
the battles and debates of Homer were beyond the resources of
. Greek stage machinery, and that most of the adventures of
Ulysses are without interest of a tragic kind. But this need
not affect the conclusion whioh Aristotle wishes to enforce, viz.
the difference, in respect of unity of structure, between the
Cypria and the Homeric poems. On such a matter his judg-
ment can hardly be disputed. Moreover, it is confirmed by the
argument of Proclus, and the fragments. The events which we
there find in outline cover a space of several years, and are
enacted in many places — the scene changing from Thessaly to
Mt. Ida and Troy, then to Sparta, and back to Troy ; then to
Messenia, then over Greece and so to the meeting-place at
Aulis ; then to Mysia, Scyros, Argos, Aulis again, and so once
more to the Troad. As regards the external unities of space
and time, it is clear that the Cypria was formed on a different
model from either of the Homeric poems.

Turning from the plan and structure of the Cypria to consider
the details, we find in the first place, that there is clear evidence
that the poem was composed with direct reference to the Iliad,
to which it was to serve as an introduction. Thus the account
of the BovKt) Ato9 at the outset (fr. 1), as has been observed, is
evidently founded upon the Homeric Ato9 S eTtkeUro ^ovXtj
(H. 1. 5), to which it gives a meaning which was certainly not
intended by the poet. The story that when Thebe was taken
by the Greeks Chryseis had come thither for a sacrifice to

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 7

Artemis (fr, 16) is clearly a device to reconcile an apparent
contradiction in the first book of the Iliad, So the taking of
Lymessus and Pedasus (fr. 15) is suggested by //. 2. 690.,
20. 92 ; the giving of a spear to Peieus at his marriage (fir. 2) by
n. 16. 140 ; the embassy to Troy by H, 3. 205; the portents seen
at Aulis by 77. 2. 301 flf. We might add the slaying of Pro-
tesilaus (fr. 14), the landing of Achilles in Scyros, and birth of
Neoptolemus (fr. 11), and the incident of Philoctetes ; but in
these cases it is possible that the story was part of a legend
which survived independently of Homer. The catalogue of
the Trojan allies, however, must have been intended to supple-
ment the list given in iZ. 2. 816 ff., which is so much briefer
than the catalogue of the Greek army. Such an enlarged roll
would be the natural fruit of increased acquaintance with the
non -Hellenic races of Asia Minor.

On the other hand, it is no less apparent that a laige propor-
tion of the incidents of the Cypria belong to groups of legend
unknown to Homer.

1. The train of events with which the poem opens — the
purpose of depopulating the earth, the Apple of Discord, &c. —
seems to be a post-Homeric creation. The only incident in the
series to which there is an allusion in Homer is the Judgment
of Paris, of whom it is said in B. 24. 29, 30 —

^9 veUeaae Oeit^ ore oi fjuiaaavkov Xkovto,
rtjp 8' 'pvTja r} oi trope fia^^oavvrfv akeyetvijv,

Aristarchus obelised the passage on the ground (among others)
that veUeaae is inappropriate, since it does not mean * decided
against,' but ' scolded,' ' flouted.' This however would rather
show that the lines belong to a different version of the
incident ; and the same thing is suggested by 5t€ oi fika-aavKov
Xkovto, and the ambiguous phrase Trope fia^oavvriv. We
must imagine Paris visited in his shepherd's hut by the three
goddesses, spuming the two first and welcoming Aphrodite.
This, we may reasonably conjecture, was the local form of the
legend. It is parallel in some respects to the legend of
Anchises (given in the Homeric hymn to Aphrodite), and to
other stories, told especially in Asia Minor, of ' gods coming
down in the likeness of men.' It is evident that the ordinary

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8 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

version of the Judgment of Paris is less simple, and might be
created by the wish to fit it into the main narrative of the
Trojan War. It should be added that the 24th book of the
Iliad is probably later than the rest, and that in any case
there is no hint in Homer that the action of Paris towards the
goddesses had any connection with his expedition to Sparta.
Everything, in short, tends to show that the story was recast in
post-Homeric times, with the view of enhancing the importance
of Aphrodite in the Trojan story.

2. The episode of the Dioscuri appears to be a piece of local
Spartan or perhaps Messenian legend. The Messenian Twin
Brethren, Idas and Lynceus, are unknown to Homer. The
apotheosis of the Dioscuri is inconsistent with the language of
the Iliad (3. 243 Toif^ B' ^St; Kare'^^^ev <f>vo'i^oo<s ala), and more-
over belongs to a distinctly post-Homeric order of ideas.

3. The landing in Mysia, with the story of Telephus, has all
the appearance of a graft upon the original story, probably
derived from local Mysian tradition. The awkward expedient
of a second muster of the fleet at Aulis was evidently made
necessary by this interpolation. The miraculous healing of
Telephus by Achilles is not in the manner of Homer, and the
representation of him as guiding the fleet to the Troad is at
variance with the Iliads which assigns this service to Calchas.

4. The story of Iphigenia is non-Homeric. The daughters
of Agamemnon, according to Homer (//. 9. 145), are —

^pvtToOejJLi^ KuX AaoSi/CT) koI 'lifyidvaaaa.

Some later authorities supposed Iphigenia to be another name
for Iphianassa, but the author of the Gypria, as we learn from
the scholiast on Sophpcles (M. 157), distinguished them, thus
making four in all. ^ This may be regarded as an attempt to
reconcile the account of Homer with the legend of the sacrifice
of Iphigenia.

The version given in the Cypria (if we may trust the argu-
ment of Proclus) was that of the Iphigenia in Tauris of
Euripides, according to which Iphigenia was not put to death,

^ This is the meaniDg of the words With this punctuation it is unneces-

^ &5 b rh Kriirpia irovfifras rtffffapds sary to emend as filmsley proposed

4ni<rip, *l<f>iy4v€icty Koi *l<l>iava(r(rav, i.e, (reading ^ as dioupSpovs, instead of the

'counting Iphigenia and Iphianassa.' numeral reVtropas).

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 9

but was carried off by Artemis to be the priestess of her
Taurian altar, and as such to be immortal. This form of the
story is necessarily later than the Greek settlements on the
northern coasts of the Euxine ; possibly, however, it was not
in the original text of the poem.

5. Cycnus, the 'Swan-hero,' son ot Poseidon, is a non-
Homeric figure. In later accounts he is invulnerable, and can
only be despatched by being forced to leap into the sea.
According to another version he is changed into a swan, like
the Schwan-ritter of German legend. As the argument of Proclus
merely says that he was killed by Achilles, we cannot tell how
much of this marvellous character belongs to him in the Cypria.
In any case he is a being of a fantastic kind, such as we might
meet with in the adventures of Ulysses, but certainly not
among the warriors who fought in the battles of the Iliad,

6. Palamedes is an important addition to the Homeric group
of dramatis personae. In the Cypria he detects the feigned
madness of Ulysses (Procl.), and is drowned while fishing by
Ulysses and Diomede (fr. 18). In later writers he appears as a
hero of a new type, one of those who have benefited mankind
by their inventions ; and his fate thus acquires something of the
interest of a martyrdom. As the enemy of Ulysses he represents
the higher kind of intelligence, in contrast to mere selfish
cunning; he is sullertior ido, sed sibi inutilior, in the words
which Ovid puts into the mouth of Ajax {Metam. 13. 37). It is
impossible to say how far this view of the character of Palamedes
was brought out in the ancient epic poem. The story of his
death certainly assumed a much more highly-wrought and
pathetic form, familiar to us from the reference to him in Virgil
\jSn. 2. 81 ff.)—

quem falsa sub proditione Pelasgi
Insontem, infando indicio, quia bella vetabat,
Demisere neci ; nunc cassum lumine lugent.

But the germ of all this, the contrast between the wisdom of
Palamedes and the wisdom of Ulysses, with the consequent
lowering of the character of Ulysses, is fairly to be traced to
the Cypria. We must feel at least that the murder of Palamedes
hy Ulysses and Diomede would be as impossible in Homer as
it is in harmony with some later representations.

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10 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

7. The prophecies in the Cyprm deserve some notice. When
Paris builds ships for his expedition, the consequences are
foretold by Helenus. Again, before he sails he is warned by
Cassandra, whose gift of prophecy is unknown to Homer,
Telephus comes to Argos to be cured icaTh, fAavrelav, Finally,
as Welcker pointed out, the prophecy of Nereus in Horace
{Od. 1. 15) probably comes from the Cypria, The words —

Ingrato celeres obruit otio
Ventos

agree with the ' fair wind and smooth sea ' of the quotation in
Herodotus (2. 117), The passage from which this quotation
came is omitted (as we have seen) in the argument of Proclus ;
hence we need not be surprised if the prophecy of Nereus is
also unnoticed.

8. The statement that Helen was the daughter of Nemesis is
peculiar to the Gypria, It may be connected, as Welcker
thought, with the local worship of Nemesis in Attica. It is to be
observed, however, that the author of the Gypria is fond of treating
personifications of this kind as agents : compare the consulta-
tion of Themis, and the sending of Discord with the apple. Such
figures occur in Homer, but are much more shadowy and impalp-
able. The notion of a * purpose of Zeus ' as the ground- work of
the whole action shows the same tendency to put moral
abstractions in the place of the simpler Homeric agencies.

The Protean changes of Nemesis when pursued by Zeus
belong to a category already noticed as characteristic of the
Cyjpria, Other examples are, the Apple of Discord, the healing
of Telephus, the marvellous sight of Lynceus, the supernatural
powers of the daughters of Anius. The notion of magical
eflScacy residing in certain persons or objects is one which in
Homer is confined to the ' outer geography ' of the Odyssey,

The attempt which has now been made to ascertain the
relation between the Gypria and the Homeric poems has turned
almost entirely upon points of agreement and difference
between the Gypria and the Iliad, This however is only what
was to be expected, since the Gypria and the Odyssey lie too far
apart in respect of matter to furnish many points of compar-
ison. Subject to this reservation the result seems to be to
show, with cumulative and irresistible force, that between the

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 11

time of Homer and the time of the Cypria great additions had
been made to the body of legends and traditions available for the
purposes of epic poetry ; that that increase was due, in a large
measure at least, to the opening up of new local sources of
legend ; that concurrently with it a marked change had come
over the tone and spirit of the stories ; and finally, that all this
change and development had taken place in spite of the fact that
the author of the Cypria wrote under the direct influence of
Homer, and with the view of furnishing an introduction to the
events of the Iliad.

THE AETHIOPIS OF ARCTINUS.

As the Iliad was introduced by the Cypria, so it was con-
tinued in the Ethiopia of Arctinus of Miletus, a poem in five
books, of which Proclus gives the following argument : —

The Amazon queen Penthesilea, daughter of Ares, comes as
an ally of Troy. After performing great deeds she is killed by
Achilles, and duly buried by the Trojans. There was a rumour
that Achilles in the moment of victory had been seized by a
passion for the fallen Amazon, and on this ground he is assailed
in the Greek assembly by Thersites. He kills Thersites, and the
deed provokes a quarrel in the army ; thereupon Achilles sails
to Lesbos, and having duly sacrificed to Apollo, Artemis, and
Leto, is purified from the homicide by Ulysses. Then Memnon,
son of Eos, arrives to aid the Trojans, with a panoply made by
Hephaestus, and Thetis reveals to her son what the fortune of
this new ally will be. Memnon slays Antilochus, and is slain
by Achilles ; thereupon Eos obtains for him the gift of immor-
tality. In the rout of the Trojans which ensues, Achilles
enters the city after them, and is killed in the Scaean gate by
Paris and Apollo. His body is brought back after a stubborn
fight by Ajax, who carries it to the ships, whilst Ulysses keeps
off the Trojans. Then follows the burial of Antilochus, and
Thetis, with the Muses and the Nereids, performs a lamentation
for her son. When he has been placed on the funeral pyre she
carries him off to the island Leuce. The Greeks having raised
the sepulchral mound hold funeral games, and a quarrel arises
between Ajax and Ulysses for the succession to the arms
of Achilles.

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12 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC UYCLE.

The tablet known as the Tahila Veronensis'^ (now in the
Louvre) gives the following brief summary of the Aethiopis : —
ll€V0€ai\r)a 'A/Aafcov irapaylverac, 'A;^tWeu9 TlepOeaiXrjav
aTTo/crelpet, Mefjupav * AvriKo'Xpv airoKretveL. 'Aj^iXXeu? Me/*-
vova airoKTelvei. ev ral^ ^Kaial^ iruXat^ 'Aj^tXXe^? viro Ilapt-
S09 avaipetrac. It seems very probable that these five sentences
answer to the five books into which we know that the poem
was divided. If so, the argument may be distributed some-
what as follows : —

I. Arrival of Penthesilea — her apiareia.

II. Slaying of Penthesilea — interval of truce, occupied on
the Trojan side by her burial, on the Greek side by the
Thersites-scene and the withdrawal of Achilles.

III. Arrival and apiarela of Memnon — he slays Antilochus.

IV. Achilles returns to the field, slays Memnon, and puts
the Trojans to flight.

V. Death of Achilles in the gate — battle for the recovery of
his body — Oprfvo^ and apotheosis of Achilles — funeral games
and contest for his arms.

From the statement of the scholiast on Pindar {Isth. 3. 53),
that according to the Aethiopis Ajax killed himself about dawn,
it would appear that the story was brought down a little further
than Proclus gives it. The reason for the omission would be
that the contest for the arms and death of Ajax fell within the
story oi\h.Q Little Iliad?'

The Townley scholia on the Iliad contain the statement, that
in the place of the line which ends the poem in all MSS.,

tb^i ol y d/i<f)l€'rrop rd^ov ^^EKTOpo<; iTTTroBdfioio

some copies had the two lines,

&9 of 7* dfi<f>L€7rov Td(f>ov ''EKTopo<;, TjXOe 8' 'A/Ltaf<oj;
"Aprjo*; Ovydrrjp /i€ya\i]TOpo^ dvhpo^ovoLO.

These lines are evidently meant to introduce the story of the
Aethiopis, and were believed by Welcker to be the opening
words of the poem itself {Ep, Gycl. 1^. p. 199). Others, as

^ Welcker, Ep. Cycl, iL p. 624 ; signed by Kinkel to the Aethiopis (fr. 3
Jahn, BUderehroniken, Tab. iii D'. iu his edition), seems to me to belong

* The quotation of eight lines as- to the *l\lov wdptris ; see p. 28.

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 13

Bemhardy, have thought that they were framed for the purpose
of connecting the two poems in a collection or compilation,
such as the Epic Cycle. The latter view is probably nearer
the truth. There is a very similar passage of four lines at the
end of the Theogony of Hesiod : —

avrai, fiev OvrfTotct irap avSpdciv evvrjOetcai,
d0dvarot yeCvavTO Oeol^ iirtelKcXa rixva'
vvv Sk yvvat/c&v <f>v\oy deicaTe, '^Sviiretat
M.ovcat ^OXvfMindSe^ Kovpav Ato9 atyi6j(pco.

These lines are in the form of a transition to the lost Hesiodic
KaraXoyo^: Tvvat/e&v, and accordingly they have been thought
by some commentators to be in fact the first four lines of that
poem. Two MSS., however, omit them altogether, and several
others omit the last two of the four, thus leaving the clause
avrav fih k.t.X, without an apodosis. Comparing these facts
with the case of the two lines at the end of the Iliad, we see
that the circumstances are almost exactly parallel. The single
line which stands in our copies is incomplete. Like all the
sentences in Homer that begin with &? oiye, and the like, it
is the first half of a formula of transition. The Townley
scholia have preserved the original form of the couplet. The
difference between the two cases is that no MSS. of the Iliad
(so far as our apparatus criticus extends) omit the formula
altogether. It only remains, then, to consider the probable
source and date of transitions of this kind between two
different poems. The opinion that the lines in the Theogony
were the beginning of another Hesiodic poem is rejected by
Marckscheffel {Hesiodi &c, fragTmrvta, p. 100). He is doubtless
right, and in any case the two lines of the Townley scholia
cannot have been the original opening of the Aethiopis. Apart
from the silence of the scholia, and the diflBculty of understand-
ing why the lines should ever have appeared in manuscripts of the
Iliad, it is impossible to suppose that the Aethiopis began with
words which would be meaningless unless the hearer remembered
the end of the Iliad. This would be something quite different
from the general knowledge of and subordination to Homer
which we trace in the ' Cyclic ' poets. Both in the Hiad and in
the Theogony the lines in dispute have the appearance of a sort
of catchword added to prepare the reader for the next poem, as

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14 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

in printed books the heading of a chapter used to be placed at
the foot of the preceding page. Such catchwords imply of
course that the poems were read in a recognised order. The
habit of inserting them may have begun in the Alexandrine age,
when the chief works in each branch of literature were collected
and arranged in a ' canon * or accepted list. After the formula
had been confused with the text of the author, it was an easy
further step to leave out the latter part of it, as being wholly
irrelevant to the subject of the poem.

In passing from the Cypria to the Aethiopis we are struck at
once with the greater simplicity and unity of the poem. The
action falls within nearly the same limits of space and time as
that of the Uiad, There are two days of battle, separated by
an interval which need not be supposed to be a long one. The
second battle is quickly followed by the funeral games, with
which the concluding events are immediately connected. The
hero of the poem is Achilles ; the main event is his death, and
to this the rest of the action, as far as we can judge, is
kept in due subordination.

While the plan of the Aethiopis may claim to be of the
Homeric type, the proportion of incidents founded upon refer-
ences in Homer is comparatively small. The death of Achilles
takes place as foreshadowed in the prophecy of Hector
(J7. 22. 359, 360) :—

Tjfiari T& 0T€ Kev ae Ha/Jt? koX ^ot/So^ 'AttoWwv
iaOXov eovT okeccoaiv ivl %/cai7J<rt TrvXTjci,

This, however, is a circumstance which may well have been
part of the ancient myth, anterior to the Iliad itself Antilochus
is said in the Odyssey (4. 187), to have been slain by the ' son of
Eos,' but there is nothing in Homer to connect Memnon with
the Ethiopians. The Amazons, again, are mentioned in the
Iliad, but (like the Ethiopians of the Odyssey) they belong to a
distant and faDciful region. The funeral games held in honour
of Achilles, and the lament for him performed by Thetis and
the attendant Muses and Nereids, are described in the last book

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 15

of the Odyssey (24. 36-97). The burning of the body, men-
tioned in the same passage of the Odyssey (24. 71-79), was
replaced in the Aethiopis by a species of apotheosis in harmony,
with later religious and national feeling.^

These are perhaps the only cases in which Arctinus can
be thought to have directly borrowed the matter of the
Aethiopis from Homer. Nevertheless the whole course of the
events on which the poem is founded is closely parallel to the
story of the Hiad. The hero is the same, and he again quairels
with the Greeks and leaves them for a time. Thetis has the
same part as in the Iliad — that of consoling her son and
warning him of the future. Antilochus apparently takes the
place of Patroclus as the friend of Achilles. Like Patroclus, he
is the warrior whose fate comes next to that of Achilles in
tragic interest, whose death at the hands of the Trojan champion
is immediately avenged by Achilles himself. Achilles, again,
when he has pursued the Trojans into the city, is killed by
Apollo and Paris; as Patroclus, drawn too far in a like
victorious course, was killed by Apollo and Hector. The contest
which follows for the recovery of the body of Achilles is a repeti-
tion of the contest in the seventeenth book over Patroclus.
Compare especially the passage (H. 17. 715 fif.) where Menelaus
and Meriones raise the body aloft, while the two Ajaxes keep
the Trojans at bay, with the similar parts taken in the
Aethiopis by Ajax and Ulysses respectively. The armour of
Achilles has its counterpart in the armour of Memnon, which is
equally the work of Hephaestus. Achilles gives up the body
of Penthesilea, as he gave up Hector to Priam. There is once
more a scene with Thersites, and the battles of the poem are
wound up by a dpyjvo^, a funeral, and fiineral games.

In these points we have to recognise not so much borrowing
as imitation, that is to say, a close adherence to the motifs and
artistic forms of the Iliad. It has been already pointed out
that the plan of the Aethiopis is essentially Homeric in type,
and this observation may now be extended to the characters
and incidents. The ancient tradition that Arctinus was a

' It will be remembered here that discrepancy noticed in the text (with

the twenty-fourth book of the Odyssey regard to the body of Achilles) seems

is very commonly thought to be later to show that it is at least older than

than the bulk of the poem. Rut the the Aethiopis.

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16 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

disciple of Homer (Ofiijpov fjuiOrjT'^^, Suid.), is fully borne out by
what we know thus far of his work.

It may be objected here that the correspondences now
insisted upon between the Aethiopis and the Iliad go to show
that the two works belong to the same age or school, but not
that the Iliad is the original of which the other is an imitation.
This defect may be supplied by an examination of the various
post-Homeric elements in the Aethiopis : —

1. As has been already noticed, the episode of the Amazons
is unknown to Homer.^

2. The episode of Memnon and the Ethiopians is also sub-
stantially post-Homeric, though the Odyssey speaks of Nestor as
weeping for his son Antilochus {Od, 4. 187) —

ov p 'HoO? €KT€LV€ <f>a€ivr]<; ay\ao9 vlo^.

But the Ethiopians of the Odyssey are far too remote from the
known world of Homer to have taken part in the Trojan War.
Both the Amazons and the Ethiopians are nations of a fabulous
type that we do not meet with in the Iliad at all. Their
appearance in the Aethiopis is evidently due to an inclination
towards the romantic and marvellous, of which several examples
have been already noticed in the Gypria.

3. The carrying away of Achilles to the island of Leuce
is an incident which reminds us of the death of Sarpedon
in the Iliad (16. 450, 667), but the gift of immortality is new.
It is connected with the custom of hero-worship, the absence
of which is so distinctive a mark of the Homeric age. The
choice of Leuce as the abode of Achilles is also significant.
It was an island in the Euxine opposite the mouth of the
Danube, and in historical times we find the worship of Achilles
widely spread on the neighbouring coasts. Thus Alcaeus
addresses him as presiding hero of Scythia,^ and Herodotus
(4. 55) describes the strip of land called ' AxOCKrjlof; Spofio^
near the mouth of the Borysthenes. This diffusion of Greek
traditions and Greek religious ideas must have been mainly
brought about by the numerous colonies of Miletus, which

^ Strabo (xii. 24, p. 552) speaks as if with the poems of Arctinus : see the

it were an established fact that the remarks on p. 36. *

Amazons took no part in the Trojan ^ 'AxiAAcO d ras ^KvdiKas viiitis (Ale.

war. He was probably, unacquainted fr. 49).

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THE POEMS OF THE fiPIC CYCLE. 17

occuJ)ied the coasts of the Euxine in the early prosperous times
of Ionia; it is therefore no accidental coincidence that a
poet of Miletus should be the earliest witness of the fact. It
has been doubted, indeed, whether the Leuce of the poet is the
real island afterwards so called. According to the received chro-
nology the period of Milesian colonisation is rather later than
Arctinus. The original Leuce may have been purely mythical,
the ' island of Light,' like the Elysian plain in the Odyssey, The
name would naturally be attached in course of time to a real
place, especially a place in the centre of a region over which
the worship of the new hero extended. If we accept this view,
which however is only necessary on the assumption that Arctinus
is of the eighth century BXJ., and therefore anterior to the
Milesian settlements, the evidence of the Aethiopis is transferred
to Miletus itself. The mention of Leuce will then serve at least
to connect the Aethiopis with the time when the Ionian trading
cities, of which Miletus was chief, had begun to adopt the new
religious practices that grew up, after the Homeric age, in honour
of the national heroes.

4. The immortality granted to Memnon is a further exempli-
fication of the new ideas. It is true that two similar instances
are found in our text of the Odyssey, viz., the immortality of
Menelaus in the Elysian plain (Od, 4. 563), and the apotheosis of
Heracles {Od, 11. 601). The latter however is almost certainly
spurious, since it is inconsistent with all that is said of Heracles
elsewhere in Homer. The passage about Menelaus may also be
an interpolation; in any case it stands alone, and the Hiad
(as we see especially from the case of Sarpedon) shows no trace
of the notion.

5. Another incident of a post-Homeric kind is the purifica-
tion of Achilles from the guilt of homicide, after sacrifice to
Apollo, Artemis, and Leto. There are references in Homer to
compensation paid to the relatives of the slain man, but
never to any purification by means of ritual, nor is Apollo
ever represented as deliverer from guilt {Ka0dp(rt>o<:), which
afterwards became one of his most prominent characters. The
whole idea of pollution as a consequence of wrong-doing is
foreign to Homer.

It seems to follow from these considerations that the Aethiopis
of Arctinus, like the Cypria, was a work of considerably later
H. s. — VOL. v. c

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18 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

date than the Iliad. As to its relation to the Odyssey the
evidence is (in the nature of the case) too scanty to justify a
definite conclusion ; and while it is apparent that the Aethiopis
was materially different from the Cypria in point of artistic
structure, and probably in style and spirit, we cannot but see
on the one hand that it was influenced in the same degree by
the example and authority of Homer, on the other hand that it
showed equally decisive traces of change and progress, both in
external circumstances and in moral and religious ideas.

THE LITTLE ILIAD.

The abstract of the Little Iliad given by Proclus represents
it as a poem in four books, which related the events of the
Trojan War from the award of the arms of Achilles to the
bringing of the Wooden Horse into the city. The original
poem, as was shown in the former article (vol. iv. p. 318),
brought the story down to the departure of the Greeks, and
thus came into competition with the ^Wiov irepai^ (Sack
of Troy) of Arctinus. Proclus accordingly passes over the
latter part of the Zittle Uiad — either because it was not
taken into the Epic Cycle, or (on Welcker's view) because
his object was to give the series of events rather than the
contents of the different poems. The want is supplied in
great measure by the statement of Aristotle (already quoted)
about the tragedies taken fi*om the Zittle Uiad, and still
more by the passage in Pausanias (x. 25 — 27) describing the
celebrated paintings by Polygnotus in the lesche at Delphi.
These paintings represented scenes from the capture of Troy,
and we are expressly told by Pausanias that iu them Polygnotus
followed the account of the Zittle Iliad. From this source we
learn more of the details of the poem than is known of any
other part of the Epic Cycle.

The Zittle Iliad was generally ascribed to Lesches of Mitylene
(or Pyrrha), but by some to Thestorides of Phocaea, by others
(among whom was the historian Hellanicus of Lesbos) to Cinae-
thon of Sparta, by others to Diodorus of Erythrae.^ There was

' C. Robert (BUd und Lied, p. 226) lanicus tells strongly against Lesches.
points out that the authority of Hel- Had there been an old tradition of the

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 19

also a story (like the one told of Stasinus and the Cyprid) that
Homer was himself the author, and gave it to Thestorides of
Phocaea in return for lodging and maintenance (Ps. Hdt Vit
Horn., § 15 flf.)-

Of the ten tragedies said by Aristotle to be founded upon
episodes of the ZUtle Iliad, the first six cover the same ground
as Proclus' abstract of the poem. The order of the titles, too,
as they stand in the Aristotelian list agrees exactly with the order
of events as given by Proclus. The account of Proclus therefore
is verified by the high authority of Aristotle, down to the pomt
at which Proclus — or the compiler of the Epic Cycle — deserted
the Little Iliad for the Iliupersis of Arctinus. In the earlier part
of the poem, accordingly, the incidents were as follows : —

(1) The Judgment of the Arms (/cpUi^ oirXtov), The arms, by
the influence of Athene, are adjudged to Ulysses; the madness
and suicide of Ajax follow.

(2) The Fhiloctetes. Ulysses having taken Helenus prisoner,
and obtained from him an oracle about the capture of Troy,
Philoctetes is brought frol^ Lemnos by Diomede, is healed by
Machaon, and kills Paris. The dead body of Paris is treated
with indignity by Menelaus, then given up to the Trojans and
buried. Deiphobus becomes the husband of Helen.

(3) The Neoptolemus. Ulysses brings Neoptolemus from
Scyros and gives him the arms of Achilles. The shade of
Achilles appears to him.

(4) The Eurypylus. Eurypylus, the son of Telephus, now
comes as a fresh ally of the Trojans. After doing great deeds
he is slain by Neoptolemus. The Trojans are now closely
besieged, and the Wooden Horse is made by Epeius, under the
guidance of Athene.

(5) The TTTfo'x^ela. Ulysses maltreats himself, and enters
Troy in beggar s disguise. He is recognised by Helen, with
whom he confers regarding the capture of the city, and fights
his way back to the camp.

' (6) The Ad/caivat. The Palladium of Troy is carried oflf by
Ulysses and Diomede.^ The Greeks then man the Wooden

Lesbian origin of the Little Iliad, Hel- authors belonging to all the great

1 aniens as a Lesbian wonld probably divisions of the Hellenic race,

have given it his support. It is worth ^ We have no express statement as

notice that the poem is ascribed to to the subject of the MKcuycu, but there

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20 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

Horse with the chief warriors and make their feigned retreat ;
the Wooden Horse is taken into the city, and great rejoicings
are held by the Trojans over their fancied deliverance.

The remaining plays mentioned by Aristotle are : —

(7) The Sack of Troy (iXcov mepaii).

(8) The D&parture of the Greeks (airoTrXovsi), which is also
the last incident in the Iliupersis of Arctinus.

(9) The /SiTWTi— doubtless founded on the same story as is
given in the argument of the Iliupersis, and with full detail in
the jEneid.

(10) The Troades, in all probability the extant play of the
name, which turns upon events that immediately followed the
capture.

It is worthy of notice that the two last plays are out of their
chronological order, since they turn upon subordinate incidents
belonging to the subject of the seventh, the Sack of Troy.
This is not the only indication that they stand on a different
footing from the rest — that they are of the nature of an after-
thought. Aristotle begins by saying that there were 'more
than eight ' plays taken from the Little Iliad, We may gather
that he had eight in his mind that were clearly taken from the
poem, besides others that had been more or less altered in the
process of fitting them for the stage.

About twenty lines of the little Iliad survive, besides
numerous references. The opening lines were —

^\i,ov aelZfo KaX AapSavirjv ivirfoKov,

^9 wept iroWa irdOov AaiHiol Oepdirovre^ "Aprjo^.

It was therefore an Iliad in the proper sense of the term.
The subject was the fall of Troy, and the various episodes were
necessary steps towards that end.

The next in the series of quotations (fr. 2) has the interest of
being referred to by the poet Aristophanes, in a passage of the
Knights (1056). It comes from the first part of the poem, the
Judgment of the Arms, According to the Little Iliad the
Greeks, on the advice of Nestor, sent spies to listen under the
walls of Troy for some saying that would enable them to decide

is no room for donbt. The play is consisted of the Spartan maidens in
evidently named from the chorus, which the service of Helen.

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 21

the quarrel The spies heard the Trojan maidens disputing on
the question at issue. One said that Ajax was by far the
bravest —

Am? fi€V yhp aeipe xal €K(f>€pe BtjIottjto^
fjpfo UrfKef^v, oifS' ijOeXe SJ09 ^OBvaaev^^

To which another answered, by the inspiration of Athene —

9ra>9 iire^vrfafio ; irw ov tcarh tcScfAov leiTre? ;
Kal K€ yvptf <l>epoi a^Oo^, iwei xev dvtjp iiriOeiij*

These words were reported to the Greek assembly, and the decision
given accordingly in favour of Ulysses. The last line and a half
are actually quoted in the text of Aristophanes ; the rest comes
from the scholiast on the passage. The LUtle Iliad is also
quoted (fr. 3) for the statement that owing to the anger of
Agamenmon the body of Ajax was placed in the coffin without
being duly burned.

Two lines (fr. 4) relate how Achilles was driven by a storm to
the island of Scyros. This is evidently to introduce the bring-
ing of Neoptolemus. The words describing the spear of
Achilles (fr. 5) may belong to the same part of the story.

Four lines (fir. 6) are quoted firom the history of a famous
golden vine, which the author of the LittU //iod— diflfering
somewhat fix)m Homer — ^represented as having been given by
Zeus to Laomedon by way of compensation for the loss of his
son Ganymede:

dfiireKov, f^v K.poviSrj<; iiropiv oi 7rat8o9 aTTOiva,
Xpvaelrjv (f>vWoi<Ti,v ayavovci tcofiocoaav
I36rpvai ff oft? ''Hj>ai<rro^ iiraa-xTjcaf; Act irarpl
5ft>X', o 8e AaofAiBovTC ir6pev TavvfxtjBeo^ avrL

These four lines probably come firom the episode of Eurypylus.
The vine appears to be referred to in the Odyssey (11. 521
flf.), where Ulysses relates how Eurypylus son of Tele-
phus fell, 'and many Ceteians were slain around him, all
because of a woman's gift* {^vvai<ov eXvexa BtopoDv). The
scholiasts on this passage tell us, on the authority of the ancient
historian Acusilaus, that Priam sent a golden vine to Astyoche
the mother of Eurypylus, and thus persuaded her to send her

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22 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

son to the aid of the Trojans. This explanation is borne out
by Od. 15. 247, where the same thing is said of Amphiaraus, — •

a\V oker tV ®i]j3r)(rL yvvaleov eXv^ica Sdpoov,

that is to say, he was forced to take part in the war of Thebes,
in which he fell, because of the necklace given to his wife
Eriphyle. If then the golden vine given to Astyoche was the
same as that which Laomedon received from Zeus, it becomes
easy to understand how ihe four lines in question came into
the episode of Eurypylus. The poet of the Idttle Iliad had to
relate the story of Priam sending the ornament as a bribe to
Astyoche, and was naturally led to give its history in a short
digression (after the manner of the aKriirrpov irapaSoac^ of
II, 2. 101-108). On this view we can almost complete the
fragment. The next line would be something like —

avTctp AaofiiBcov TlpLa/jLcp Xlire • . ,

and the apodosis (which is required by the grammatical form of
the passage) must have said, * this vine,, then, Priam now gave
to Astyoche, mother of Eurypylus.' The poetical value of a
parenthesis of this kind is evident. It must have heightened
the pathetic eflfect of the story to represent Priam, in the
extremity of his need, giving away one of the great heirlooms of
the royal house to buy the alliance of the Mysian king.

Among the deeds of Eurypylus was the slaying of Machaon
(fr. 7). Other details to be added to this part of the narrative
are, the wounding of Ulysses by Thoas (fr. 8), -and the name
Anticlus in the list of the warriors who were in the Wooden
Horse (fr. 10). The scholars who sought to determine the
exact date of the capture were aided by the mention of a full
moon (fr. 11)— r

I'uf fM€V erjv fiiacf), Xafiirprj S' cVereXAe aeKrjvrj,

The line comes from the description of Sinon giving the pre-
concerted signal to the Greek army.

The remaining fragments (12—19) relate to the final battle
and the division of the spoil. The picturesque incident of
Menelaus letting fall his sword at the sight of Helen, referred
to by Aristophanes (Lysistr. 155), came from this part of the
Zittle Iliad (fr. 16). A quotation of five lines (fr. 18) relates

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 23

that Neoptolemus obtained Andromache as his prize, and threw
the young Astyanax from the wall of Troy. Pausanias adds
that Aeneas also was given to Neoptolemus, and that the death
of Astyanax was the act of Neoptolemus alone, not authorised
by the decree of the army. Other incidents of more or less
interest are derived from the chapters of Pausanias already
mentioned (x. 25—27). From this source we learn that
according to the Little Iliad (fr. 15), King Priam was not killed
by Neoptolemus as he clung to the altar of his palace (as in
Virgil), but at the door. Helicaon, son of Antenor, when
wounded in the night battle was recognised by Ulysses, and his
life saved (fr. 13). Aethra, the mother of Theseus, who was one
of the attendants of Helen, made her way to the Greek camp,
and was recognised by her grandsons Demophon and Acamas ;
into whose hands Agamemnon, having first obtained the consent
of Helen, delivered her free from her long bondage (fr. 17).
Ajax, son of Oileus, was represented as taking an oath to purge
himself of the sacrilege which he had committed in tearing
Cassandra from the altar of Athene so that the image of the
goddess was dragged after her (Paus. x. 26, 1). Besides these
there are various details, such as form the staple of the minor
Homeric battles. Meges is wounded by Admetus, Lycomedes
by Agenor (fr. 12) ; Admetus is slain by Philoctetes, Coroebus
by Diomede, Axion by Eurypylus (fr. 15); Astynous is struck
down by Neoptolemus (fr. 14), and Eioneus and Agenor also
fall to him (fr. 15). In the Little Iliad the wife of Aeneas is
named Eurydice (as also in the Gypria) — not Creusa.

Such, then, were the multifarious events and personages of
which the story of the Little Iliad was composed. For the plan
of the poem and the degree of artistic unity which it possessed
we must recur to the piece of Aristotelian criticism already
quoted in reference to the Cyjpria. The Little Iliad, like the
Cypria, is said by Aristotle to be about one person {irepl eva),
one time, and one action consisting of many parts (irepl /iiav
irpa^iv woXv/iep^). The *one action' is evidently the taking
of Troy. The * parts ' of which it consists are the subordinate
events, such as the arrival of Neoptolemus, the healing and
return of Philoctetes, the theft of the Palladium. Each of these
parts is necessary to the main action, but is also a story with an

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U THE POEMS OP THE EPIC CYCLE.

interest of its own, capable of furnishing the subject of an
independent work; whereas in Homer the different episodes
have not this independent character ; their interest lies in their
relation to the whole, and is lost when they are detached from
it. The * one hero ' of the Zittle Iliad is somewhat less obvious ;
but a review of the chief incidents leaves no doubt that Ulysses
holds that place. The poem begins with his victory over Ajax,
which means that he is now acknowledged by the Qreeks as
their greatest warrior ; a»d he is the chief actor, or at least the
chief adviser, in most of the other affairs. His character (as in
Homer) is that of the champion of stratagem and adventure ;
and as such he is contrasted with warriors of the type of
Achilles aud Ajax. With a hero of this stamp we should
naturally assume that the poem was of a comparatively light
and cheerful caat ; and this impression is amply confirmed by
the details, so far as they are known. Such scenes as the
debate of the Trojan maidens on the wall (in the oirXtov Kplaisi),
or Menelaus letting fall his sword at the sight of Helen, have
an immistakable air of comedy. This will be brought out still
further when we come to compare the Little Iliad with the
treatment of the same narrative by Arctinus.

The LUtle Iliad is distinguished among the Cyclic poems by
the large proportion of matter which may be regarded as
directly derived from Homer. Thus, to take the first five
episodes in Aristotle's list —

(1) The Jvdgment of the Arms is described in Od. 11.
543—562. It has been noticed above (in speaking of the
Aethiopis, p. 15) that the representation of Ajax carrying the
body of Achilles, while Ulysses covered the retreat, is apparently
taken from the battle over Patroclus in the I7th book of the
Iliad: compare especially w. 717—719, where Ajax says^
addressing Menelaus —

aXXcL <ri> fiey teal Mijpiovfj^ viroivvre fidX' &iea
v€Kphv aeipavTt^ ^4per iie irovov avrhp SirtcOev
p&l fiaxv^ofieOa Tptoalv re Kal'^^/eropt 8/ip.

The rescue of Achilles is also referred to in the Odyssey (5. 810).
The fanciful story of the spies overhearing the words of the

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. S5

Trojan maidens seem3 to be contrived to give a meaning to
Od. 11. 547—

vatbe^ Bi TpcottF hUaaav koX TLaWh^ *A6i^vfj,

a line of which other explanations were current (see p. 35).

(2) The bringing of PhUoctetes from Lemnos is alluded
to in iZ. 2. 718, and his presence with the army is implied
in Od. 8. 219.

(3) Neoptolemvs is mentioned in iZ. 19. 326, as in Scyros: his
coming to Troy in Od. 11. 506 ff.

(4) His victory over JIurypylus in Od. 11. 506 ff.

(5) The irTfox^ia, with the meeting between Ulysses and
Helen, is sketched in Od. 4. 240-264.

Again, the capture of Troy by means of the Wooden Horse
was told in the song of Demodocus, Od. 8. 492 ff. Anticlus as
the name of one of the heroes in the Wooden Horse (fr. 10)
occurs in the story told in Od. 4. 285. That Deiphobus became
the husband of Helen seems to be implied in Od. 4, 276.,
8. 517. The recognition of Helicaon son of Antenor by
Ulysses (fr. 13) is suggested by 11. 3. 207 ff., where Antenor is
said to have entertained Ulysses and Menelaus. It is an
example of ^evla, like the meeting of Diomede and Glaucus.
Coroebus coming as a suitor for the hand of Cassandra (fr. 16)
seems to be a repetition of Othryoneus {II. 13. 364) —

i^ pa v4ov woXifAoio fierce xXio^ etKrjkovOev,
^free he TlpidfjLoio Ovyarp&y elBo% dpiaTrjv
KaaadvBpffp.

The death of Astyanax, as it is related in fr. 18—

iratSa S^ i\i>v ix koXttov kvirXoKdfioio rcffyvt)^
pty^€ 7roSo9 rerayobv dirh irvpyov,

is suggested by the words of Andromache in II. 24. 734—

pl^fte^ )(€(,po^ €\a>v dirb irvpyov, Xvypiv oXedpov,

The sacrilege of Ajax son of Oileus may have been suggested
by Od. 4. 502, where his death is connected with the hatred of
Athene : cp. the reference to the anger of Athene as the cause
of the disasters of the return, Od. 8. 135.

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26 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

' Of the additions made by the Little Iliad to the Homeric
narrative the following are of interest : —

(1) The Palladium of Troy is unknown to Homer. It has
been already observed more than once that objects endowed
with magical virtue are not Homeric. It would be especially
unlike Homer to make the fate of a city depend upon anything
of the kind.

(2) Sinon is not one of the Homeric dramatis personae, if we
may argue from the silence of the Odyssey.

(3) Aethra, the mother of Theseus, was said to have been
carried ofif by the Dioscuri in their invasion of Attica.
Accordingly in the Idttk Iliad she is in bondage to Helen,
and is set free by her grandsons Demophon and Acamas, as is
related in the passage of Pausanias quoted above (fr. 17). The
only apparent trace of this in Homer is in IL 3. 144, where the
two attendants of Helen are —

Aldprj n^T^^o? BvyaTrjp, KXvfiivf) re fio&in^.

It is impossible however to suppose that the poet of the Iliad
knew the story of Aethra. There is no trace in Homer of
acquaintance with the group of legend to which the story
belongs. The two sons of Theseus are not among the warriors
of the Iliad, and the few references to Theseus himself are
probably interpolations. Even supposing Theseus to be known
to Homer, he belongs to an earlier generation than the heroes
of the Hiad, and the chronological diflSculty of bringing his
mother into the story of Troy is manifest. Hence, as
Aristarchus pointed out, we have to choose between two
suppositions. Either the line is an interpolation, inserted to
suit the story of Aethra ; or it is genuine, and the coincidence
of name is accidental. Considering the freedom with which
Homer introduces unimportant proper names into his de-
scriptions, the latter seems the more probable alternative. It
might seem, indeed, that the whole story of Aethra was based
on the line of Homer : but Aethra, as the name of the mother
of Theseus, more probably belongs to the local tradition.
Naturally the later poets who found the name in Homer took
advantage of it in order to find a place for the Attic heroes
in the main body of epic narrative. Thus the story, as told in
the Little Iliad (and also, as we shall see, in the Bivpersis of

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLK 27

Arctinus), is an attempt to connect the Trojan war with the
local Attic mythology, — a mythology which was singularly late
in finding its way into literature.^

Besides these we find only a few such matters as the slaying
of Machaon by Eurypylus (fr. 7), the slaying of Priam (fir. 15),
the division of the spoil in which Andromache and Aeneas fall
to Neoptolemus (fr. 18), the name Eurydice for the wife of
Aeneas (fir. 19), the incident of- Menelaus and Helen (fr. 16),
with the minor incidents of the night-battle.

In style and character the Little Iliad followed the Odyssey
rather than the Iliad. The spirit of adventure which runs
through it, especially in the earlier part, is clearly inspired by
the picture of Ulysses in the Odyssey, In the Iliad, indeed
(with the marked exception of the Doloneia), this side of his
character is not brought out. He is wise and eloquent, but hardly
adventurous. On the other hand it is the most prominent
feature in the Doloneia (which is almost certainly later than
the rest of the Iliad) : and so doubtless in the Trrcoxeia, the
theft of the Palladium, and other parts of the Little Iliad. On
the whole it would seem that if we imagine the Little Hiad as
a poem of no great length, — there were only four books
according to Proclus,— consisting of episodes in the manner of
the Doloneia, we shall not be far firom the truth.

THE JLIUPERSJS OF AKCTINUS*

According to Proclus the Hiupersis or * Sack of Ilium ' in the
Epic Cycle was a poem in two books, the work of Arctinus of
Miletus, The contents were as follows : —

The Trojans surround the Wooden Horse, and hold anxious
debate. Some are for throwing it from the height of the city-
wall, or burning it up : others say that it must be consecrated
as an offering to Athene, and this opinion at length prevails.
They then give themselves. up to rejoicing over their deliverance.

^ In the bronze figure of the Trojan presses the Athenian claim to Salamis),

Horse on the Acropolis of Athens, the and the two sons of Theseus (Pans. L

heroes represented as peeping out of it 23, 10).
were Menestheus, Teucer (who ex-

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28 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

At this point two serpents appear, and kill Laocoon and one of
his two sons. Alarmed by this portent, Aeneas and his followers
withdraw to Mount Ida. Then Sinon lights the signal-fires, as
agreed with the Greeks. They return from Tenedos, the
warriors sally from the Wooden Horse, and the city is taken.
Neoptolemus kills Priam in his house, on the altar of Zev?
epxeio^. Menelaus takes Helen to the camp, killing her
husband Deiphobus. Ajax son of Oileus, in attempting to drag
Cassandra from the altar of Athene, drags away the image of
the goddess ; upon which the Greeks are ready to stone him,
and he escapes by taking refuge himself at the altar. The
Greeks bum the city, and determine the fate of the prisoners :
Polyxena is sacrificed at the tomb of Achilles: Ulysses kiUs
Astyanax, and Neoptolemus obtains Andromache as his prize :
Demophon and Acamas find Aethra and take her with them.
The fleet sets sail, and Athene prepares disaster for them on
their return.

This argument represents the Jliupersis as taking up the
story of the siege nearly at the point where the argument of the
Little Iliad left it, viz. the bringing of the Wooden Horse into
the city. But as the Little Iliad is known to have included the
later events, down to the departure of the Greeks, so it is
possible that the poem of Arctinus began at an earlier point
than the account of Proclus would lead us to suppose. Unfor-
tunately the references to the Iliujperais are extremely few ; but
they go far to show that it gave some account of the events
between the death of Ajax and the making of the Wooden
Horse.

The scholia on the Iliad (11. 616) tell us that according to
some critics the two Homeric tarpoi, Machaon and Podaleirius,
followed the two branches of the healing art, — Machaon dealing
with wounds, Podaleirius with disease. In support of this they
quote a remarkable fragment from Arctinus' Sack of Ilium
{iv 'l\(ov iropfftja-eL), which runs as follows :

auT09 yap a(j>tv SBotfce irarifp . . ^Evvoa-iyaio^
a/J><l>OT€poi^, ircpov S* erepov KvZiov €07)/c€*
T^ /jL€v /cov(f>oTipa^ X^V^^ iropev^ l/c re fiiKefiva
aapKO^ ekelVy rfirj^al t€ koI eXxea iravT aKeaaaOaL'
T^ S* ap aKpi/Sia irdvra in CTrjOeaaiv €0r)/C€v

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 29

aa-/eo7rd re yv&vat teal avaXdea iriaacdcu*
09 pa KoX AXavTO^ irpStro^ fidOe ;^a>o/Li€i/oto
SfjL/iard T* aarpdirrovra l3apvv6fJL€v6v T€ v6r}p,a.

It has been generally supposed, from the reference to Ajax, that
these lines come from the Aethiopis, the scholiast having
conftised the two poems of Arctinus. This however is not
necessary* The two lines about Ajax have rather the appear-
ance of a parenthesis, brought in to illustrate a later point of
the story. If so, it is highly probable that the context of the
passage is the healing of Philoctetes. The poet takes occasion
to contrast the surgical skill of Machaon with the art of
Podaleirius, and adds by way of example that it was Podaleirius
who first perceived the symptoms of madness in the former case
of Ajax (09 pa xal Atavro^ . . ). This view perhaps derives
some further support from the fact that in Quintus Smymaeus
(who doubtless follows earlier accounts) Philoctetes is healed
by Podaleirius ; so that the drift of the passage of Arctinus
may be to explain why he, rather than Machaon, should deal
with so obscure a case. Quintus Smymaeus, again, ascribes
the oracle about the bringing back of Philoctetes to the seer
Calchas, — not Helenus, as in the Little Iliad. Further, the
Philoctetes of Sophocles does not agree with the Little Iliad, in
which Philoctetes is brought back by Diomede, before Neo-
ptolemus has come to Troy. We may reasonably suppose that
Sophocles took his version of the story from the Hiupersis
of Arctinus. All this points to the conclusion that the story of
Philoctetes was given in the IliupersiSy and with details which
diflfered materially from those of the Little Iliad, Again, if the
recovery of Philoctetes, according to the Iliupersia, was an ex-
ploit of Neoptolemus, it is diflBcult to resist the further infer-
ence that the poem began with the coming of Neoptolemus
from Scyros. On this view it would embrace his whole career
as the real captor of Troy.

Dionysius of Halicamassus says that according to Arctinus
the Palladium which was carried oflF by the Greeks was only a
copy of the real one. Hence it is inferred that the theft of the
Palladium was related in the Ilivpersis (see the note on p. 34).
A few details may be added, more or less conjecturally, from
other sources. Virgil is said to have followed Arctinus in the

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30 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

description of the sack of Troy which fills the second book of
the Aeneid, We may assume that the part played by Aphrodite
in the Aeneid was based upon the Iliupersis,

It appears, then, that the story of the Iliupersis is to be
reconstructed somewhat as follows. Neoptolemus, who is the
destined conqueror in the Trojan war, is brought from Scyros
(perhaps accompanied by a contingent of the islanders, the
Scyria jnibes of Virgil, Aen. 2. 477). He succeeds to the arms
of Achilles — takes the leading part in. bringing Philoctetes
from Lemnos — and kills the new Trojan champion, Eurypylus.
Thus all the important steps towards the capture of Troy are
due to him — the Palladium having been a deception. In the
division of the spoil he receives the chief y€pa<;, the possession
of Andromache. He is evidently, therefore, the hero of the
poem. His character, as we should expect from the poet of the
Aethiopis, is in many points a repetition of the character of
Achilles. He is a triumphant Achilles — 7raTpo<; evTvx^o-Tepo^,
rh S' a\X' ofiow. He stands to his father, poetically speaking,
as the Epigoni to the heroes of the Thehaid.

With the fortunes of Neoptolemus for the main interest of
the Iliupersis, we find, as a kind of underplot, the story of the
flight of Aeneas. The death of Laocoon is not, as in Virgil, a
warning to those who would destroy the Wooden Horse, but a
sign of the approaching fall of Troy. The escape of one of the
two sons — a trait peculiar to this version — was doubtless
meant to signify that one branch of the Trojan royal house —
that represented by Aeneas — might still survive the fall of the
city and the extinction of the family of Priam.^ Thus the
prophecy of Poseidon would be fulfilled (//. 20. 397-8),

vvy Se 8r) Klveiao ^irj Tpcoea-cnv avd^et,

xal iralhtav iralhe^ tol kcv fieToirLa-de yivcovrai.

— a prophecy which has long been recognised as a piece of local
or family legend, connecting the later inhabitants of the Troad
with Aeneas. The divine agents in these events were probably
Aphrodite (who is also associated with Aeneas in the Cypria)^
and Cybele, the Idaean Mother, to whose sacred mountain the
fugitives betook themselves. A trace of this remains in the

» C. Robert, Bild und Lied, p. 193.

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 31

statement of Pausanias (x. 26, 1) that Creusa, the wife of
Aeneas, was said to have been delivered from slavery by
Aphrodite and the mother of the gods ; and the same account is
given in the words of Creusa, Aen, 2. 785 — 788 :

Non ego Myimidonum sedes Dolopumve superbas
Aspiciam, aut Graiis servitum matribus ibo,
Dardanis et divae Veneris nurus ;
Sed me magna deiim genitrix his detinet oris.

As Pausanias adds that according to Lesches {i.e. the Little
Biad) and the Cypria the wife of Aeneas was called Eurydiee,
we can hardly be wrong in assigning the story of Creusa to the
niupersis} Thus it becomes a link of connexion between the
Aeneas-legend and the local worship of Cybele, in which Creusa
was doubtless a subordinate figure — taken into her service as
Ganymede by Zeus, or Iphigenia by Artemis. Another indi-
cation of local influence may be seen in the assertion of Arctinus
that the Palladium taken by Ulysses and Diomede was a copy.
The real Palladium was doubtless carried oflf by Aeneas, and
remained in the possession of the royal house that claimed
descent from him.

Although the Hiupersis ended with the victory of the hero
and the success of his cause, it had a distinctly tragic character.
The Nemesis of good fortune makes itself felt. When the
Greeks set sail Athene has withdrawn her favour, and has
resolved to send disaster upon them in the course of their
voyage {<f>6opav avroi^ Kara to ireXayot; firi')(avaTa(,, ProcL).
The misfortunes of the return were therefore indicated at the
close of the poem. The thought that ' satiety breeds insolence '
evidently coloured the representation of Arctinus, and gave
the key-note to the treatment of the subject in later Greek
literature.

The comparison of the Bmpersis with Homer need not detain

* Pausanias never mentions Arctinns, sanias (x. 27, 1) says that Coroebus
and seems not to have known of either was killed &s 6 x\^[wv \6yos by Neo-
the Aethiopis or the Iliupersis, He re- ptolemns, but according to Lesches by
fers to Arctinus' version of the death of Diomede, the 'common account' doubt-
Priam, and of Astyanax (x. 25, 9), less is that of the Iliupersis, of which
simply as the account from which Neoptolemus was the hero.
Lesches differed. Similarly, when Pau-

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32 THE POEMS OF tHE^PlC CVOLE.

us longr, as most of the points have been already noticed in
connexion with the Little Hiad. As to the plan and structure
there are no grounds for a positive opinion. If we are right in
thinking that the story took in the whole career of Neoptolemus,
it can hardly have had the almost Homeric unity which we
found in the Aethiopis. On the other hand, the fact that the
Little Iliad was taken by Proclus (or the compilers of the Epic
Cycle) as the authority for the events down to the making
of the Wooden Horse would indicate that in the Iliuperm the
interest was more concentrated on the actual capture. Possibly
the earlier part of the story was brought in (as in the Odyssey)
in the form of a narrative put into the mouth of one of the
characters.^ The shortness of the poem points to the use of
some such device.

The incidents of the Iliupersis which appear to be taken
from Homer — the Wooden Horse, the death of Deiphobus, the
sacrilege of Ajax, the death of Astyanax, the disasters of the
return to Greece — were all to be found also in the Little Eiad
(see p. 25). Of the new or post-Homeric matter some portions
are common to the two poems, viz. the treachery of Sinon, the
slaying of Priam by Neoptolemus, and the story of Aethra. On
the other hand the most important addition to the Homeric
account, the stoiy of the flight of Aeneas and his followers,—*
of which the story of Laocoon is an integral part, — is peculiar
to Arctinus. According to the Little Iliad Aeneas fell to the
share of Neoptolemus, and was carried into slavery by him.
The sacrifice of Polyxena, if we may argue from the silence of
our authorities, was related in the Iliupersis only. It is one
of the indications of the hero-worship of Achilles.

The points now enumerated will furnish data for comparing
the Iliupersis, not only with Homer, but also with the Aethiopis,
as a work of the same poet, and with the Little Iliad, as a
diflferent and (as is generally supposed) later treatment of the
same subject.

In the Iliupersis, as in the Aethiopis, we have recognised the
addition to the Trojan story of a considerable amount of
legendary matter. Two main sources of new legend may be

' The digression about Podaleirins such a narrative. The style of the lines
and Machaon (p. 28) would be part of seems to favour this hypothesis.

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 53

discerned. It was doubtless in the native traditions of Asia
Minor that Arctinus found the figures of Penthesileia and
Memnon, as well as the legend of Aeneas and the Trojan settle-
ment on Mount Ida. In these matters we trace the influence
upon the Greek colonists of the races with which they were
brought into contact. And though this influence is perceptible
in other * cyclic * poems — e,g, in the story of Telephus in the
Cypria, and Eurypylus in the LittU Iliad — the most striking
examples seem to be those which we find in the Aethiopis
and the Hiupersis. Other post-Homeric elements in Arctinus
receive light from the circumstances of the Ionian colonies, and
from their religious ideas and practices, especially the practice of
hero-worship. Under this head fall such things as the immor-
tality of Memnon, of Achilles, of Creusa, — the purification of
Achilles from the guilt of homicide, — his removal after death
to Leuce, in the region of the Milesian settlements, — and the
sacrifice of Polyxena at his tomb.

The comparison between the poems of Arctinus (especially
the Iliupersis) and the Little Iliad turns chiefly on points
already noticed. It may be worth while however to bring
together the incidents which appear to have been treated
somewhat differently by the two poets.

1. In the Iliupersis Neoptolemus kills Priam at the altar of
Zeu9 IStp/celo^ : as also in Virgil (Aen, 2. 663), —

Natum ante ora patris, patrem qui obtruncat ad aras.

In the Idttle Iliad (fr. 15) Priam is dragged from the altar and
killed at the door of the palace : the poet probably wishing to
diminish the horror of the scene.

2. According to the Iliupersis Astyanax was killed by Ulysses
(fr. 2): according to the Little Iliad he was thrown from a
tower by Neoptolemus, ov fAtfv viro io^fiaro^ ye 'FXKijvcDv
(Pans. X. 25, 9). In the Iliupersis, then, it appears that the
Greeks came to a solemn decision, carried out by Ulysses, and
doubtless also advised by him, founded on the maxim v^itlo^
09 iraripa Krelva^ iralZa^ KaTaXeiiroi, The author of the Little
Iliad altered the stoiy, evidently in order to exonerate his
hero.

3. According to the argument of the Iliupersis the sons ot
H. s. — VOL. V. D

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34 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

Theseus found their grandmother Aethra in the division of the
spoil : whereas in the Little Iliad (fr. 17) Aethra escaped from
the city before or during the capture (jiviKa rfKiaKero *^l\iov),
•and found her way to the Greek camp. In this version we may
recognise the invention of the later poet.

4. The stealing of the Palladium, which in the Little Iliad
was an important exploit of Ulysses, was probably not related
at length in the Iliupersis. All that we are told by Dionysius
of Halicamassus is that according to Arctinus the true Palladium
was in Troy to the time of the capture, kept in a secret place,
and that there was a copy of it exposed to view, which the
* Achaeans ' took.^

5. In the Little Uiad (and in the Cypria) the wife of Aeneas
was Eurydice : in the received account, doubtless going back to
the Uiupersis, she is called Creusa. The name, as we have
seen, is part of the local legend connected with Mount Ida and
the worship of Aphrodite and Cybele.

6. It has been sHown (p. 29) that there is some ground for
thinking that the story of Philoctetes, as told in the Philoctetes
of Sophocles, was derived ultimately from Arctinus. The sub-
stitution in the Little Iliad of Diomede for Neoptolemus, of the
oracle of Helenus (procured by Ulysses) for the advice of
Calchas, and of Machaon for Podaleirius, is in accordance
with the desire to exalt Ulysses, as well as the general fond-
ness for changes in detail which we have noticed in the
Little Uiad,

7. The incidents connected with the * Judgment of the Arms '
were told in two or three dififerent versions, some part of which
may be derived from Arctinus.

The representation in the Little Iliad of Ajax carrying the
body of Achilles, and Ulysses protecting the retrtat, seems to
be taken from IL 17. 716, ff., where however it is Ajax with
his Locrian namesake who keeps Hector and the Trojans at
bay. The scholiast adds the remark (probably made by '
Aristarchus) that if Homer had related the death of Achilles

^ ArctinuB certainly mentioned the (Bildund Lied, p. 231), not to the poet

true PaUadium, probably in connexion himself, but to commentators who

with the flight of Aeneas ; but the rest sought to harmonise his account with

of the notice may possibly be due, as the Little Uiad.
in some instances given by C. Robert

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 35

he would not have made Ajax carry the body. Another account
seems to have exchanged the parts played by the two heroes :
for on Od. 5. 310, where Ulysses speaks of * the day when the
multitude of Trojans poured their spears on him, over the fallen
Achilles,' the scholiast makes the comment, 6tl v7r€p€pLdxv<^av rov
troofiaro^ A;^tX\€ft)9 ^OBvaaev^ koI A?a?* Kal 6 fiev i/SdaTaaev,
6 S' Afa9 vireprjo-Tnaev, co9 Koi iirX HarpoKkt^, In this version
Ajax remains true to his Homeric character, and we naturally
suspect that it must have been the original account of Arctinus
in the Aethiopis, though in the argument of Proclus the
Aethiopis is made to agree with the Little Iliad}

Regarding the 'judgment' itself, the scholiast on the Odyssey
tells us that in the line (11. 547),

TratSe? he Tpaxav SUaaav koI JIa\\d<; ^Ad^vtf,

the reference is to the Trojan prisoners, who being asked whether
Ajax or Ulysses had done them most harm, decided the question
in favour of Ulysses. This form of the story does not connect
the 'judgment of the arms ' in any especial manner with the
combat over the body of Achilles, and altogether it is of a
simpler and graver stamp than the version which comes to us
from the Little Iliad. These considerations are perhaps not
sufiScient to justify us in attributing it to Arctinus, especially
as we have no direct statement that the details of the /cpian:
ottKwv were given in the Aethiopis (p. 12). In any case the
construction which it put upon the words -TratSe? Tpaxov hlxaaav
is more natural than that which makes them maidens overheard
by Greek spies : and although the passage in the Odysaey may
be an interpolation, it is probably of considerable antiquity.
The version of the Little Iliad is very difierent in character ;
it is elaborate and fanciful, and at the same time wanting in
epic dignity. Indeed it has very much the air of a burlesque of
the older story.

The result of our examination is that the poems of Arctinus

1 It is an objection to this inference the scholia on Od» 5. 310 is a mere

that Aristarchus — if we may argue from misunderstanding of Aristarchus ; the

the silence of the Venetian scholia — does remark that Homer would have told

not seem to have known of any post- the story in such and such a way be?ng

Homeric account except that of the twisted into a positive statement that

Little Iliad. Possibly the account of that was the true account.

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36 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

were composed in the tragic style of the Iliad, combined with a
vein of romance which belonged to the soil of Asia Minor : while
the Little Iliad treated the same series of events in the lighter
epic style, largely tempered by the romantic and adventurous
element which is represented by the Odyssey , and within the
Iliad by the * Doloneia.' Thus the Little Iliad carried the
Ulysses of the Odyssey, so to speak, back into the Trojan war : the
Aethiopis and Iliupersis gave the chief place to Achilles and the
heroes who were akin to him, Ajax and Neoptolemus. Finally,
while Arctinus admitted much new matter, the growth of
Ionian history, the author of the Little Iliad confined himself
in general to the Homeric circle of myths, and sought rather
for novelty in his manner of treatment and in the details of his
narrative.

The Aethiopis and the Iliupersis are almost the only epics
never attributed to Homer, and Miletus is almost the only im-
portant city which never claimed him. Perhaps the reason is
simply that Arctinus was not sufficiently popular to give rise to
a legend of the kind. His poems are not mentioned by any
writer earlier than Dionysius of Halicarnassus ; apparently they
were unknown to Strabo (p. 16) and Pausanias (p. 31). Probably
the name of Arctinus would not have survived at all if he had
not been the earliest poet who related the escape of Aeneas from
the destruction of Troy. Thus he became a witness to the
Roman national legend, and the Iliupersis gained a species of
immortality in the second book of the Aeneid.

THE NOSTI.

The poem called the Noarot, or * Returns ' of the heroes from
Troy, was in five books, and was generally ascribed to Agias of
Troezen.^ The contents as given by Proclus were these : —

Athene having stirred up a quarrel between Agamemnon iind

^ Eustathius (p. 1796, 63) quotes 'the subject of the * returns,* by a Colopho-

author of the ifSarot, a Colophonian,* nian poet. There is so much about

for the statement that in the end Colophon, however, in the cyclic Nosf.i

Telemachus married Circe, and Tele- that it seems more natui*al to suppose

gonus Penelope. It has been thought that the author was thought by some

that this refers to another poem on the authorities to be a Colophouian.

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 37

Mtenelaus on the subject of the voyage home, AgaroemDon
delays his departure in order to propitiate the goddess.
Diomede and Nestor are the first to start, and return safely :
Menelaus follows them, but encounters a storm which drives
him to Egypt with five only of his ships. Calchas with Leonteus
and Polypoetes goes by land to Colophon, where he dies and is
buried. As Agamemnon is preparing to start with his followers,
the shade of Achilles appears and warns him of the future.
The fate of the Locrian Ajax is then described. Neoptolemus,
on the advice of Thetis, goes home by land through Thrace,
meeting Ulysses in Maroneia ; Phoenix dies on the way and is
buried: Neoptolemus reaches the Molossian country, and is
recognised by Peleus ; the death of Agamemnon at the hands
of Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra is avenged by Orestes and
Pylades, and Menelaus returns to Sparta.

According to Pausanias, (x. 28, 7) the yosH contained a
v€fcvLa, or descent into Hades, of which Proclus says nothing.
Several of the references to the Nosti seem to belong to this
part of the poem, especially a version of the story of Tantalus,
quoted by Athenaeus (fr. 10), and three lines about Medea
restoring Aeson (fr. 6); perhaps also the genealogical notices
about Clymene (fr. 4), and Maera (fr. 6). Eustathius (p. 1796,
53), says that the author of the NosH made Telemachus
eventually marry Circe, and Telegonus, son of Circe, marry
Penelope. This piece of eschatology lies beyond the period
covered by the story of the poem, but may have come in
incidentally, in the form of a prophecy, just as the final
immortality of Menelaus is prophesied in the Odyssey.

The death of Calchas at Colophon was the subject of a story
told by Hesiod, and also by the logographer Pherecydes
(Strabo, xiv. p. 643). It had been foretold that he would die
when he should meet with a mightier seer than himself, and
such a seer was found in Mopsus, grandson of Tiresias, who
presided over the oracle of the Clarian Apollo. It may be
gathered that some form of this legend was adopted by the
author of the Nosti}

^ The MS. gives Ttipttrlav ivrauBa in the poem, and been put for Calchas

TcKtvT'fiaama Bdirrovffi, where Tetpcaiay in this place by mistake — ^perhaps by

must be a false reading for KaKxam-a, the grammarian who made the summary

The name Tuptffias must have occurred in Proclus.

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38 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

The subject of the Nosti, according to the reference in
Athenaeus (vii. p. 2816), is the * return of the Atridae* (6 r^ovv
Ttfv T&v ^ATpetS&v 7rocrj<ra<; Kadohov), and this phrase is
evidently a correct description of the main argument. The
poem opened with the separation of Agamemnon and Menelaus,
and ended with the return of Menelaus, just as his brother's
murder had been avenged by Orestes. Thus it contained two
chief threads of narrative — the diverse fortunes of the two
Atridae — which are brought together at the close. In subordi-
nation to these there are two land journeys in opposite direc-
tions : Calchas going to Colophon, and Neoptolemus by Thrace
to Epirus. Room is found also for the fate of Ajax the Locrian,
who accompanies Agamemnon, and the uneventful return of
Nestor and Diomede. The arrangement of these episodes is
worth notice ; it follows the Homeric rule of filling up pauses
or intervals of time by a subordinate piece of narrative, and so
avoiding any sensible break in the action of the poem. Thus
the pause made by the quarrel of Agamemnon and Menelaus
is taken advantage of to introduce the return of Nestor and
Diomede, just as the pause after the quarrel at the beginning
of the Iliad is filled by the episode of the return of Chryseis.
Again, the sailing of Menelaus to Egypt is immediately followed
by the journey of Calchas, and the sailing of Agamemnon by
the journey of Neoptolemus, because without such a change of
scene a long voyage would have the effect of a blank space in
the picture. So {e.g) in the third book of the Iliad, when
heralds are sent from the armies into Troy (1. 116), the scene
changes to the walls, and the time during which they are on
the way is filled by the Tet%o<r/co7r/a (11. 121-244). By these
contrivances, then, the Nosti doubtless attained a degree of
unity not much inferior to that of the Homeric poems. The
crisis is evidently the murder of Agamemnon, which is speedily
followed by the vengeance of Orestes.

The moving force in the poem seems to have been the anger
of Athene ; as her favour and the anger of Poseidon are the
moving forces in the action of the Odyssey, This is indicated,
as we have seen, in the closing scenes of the Hiupersis ; the
general tone and character of the Nosti was evidently in keeping
with this motif. The main events were essentially disastrous,
and the playful and fanciful elements associated with the figure

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 39

of Ulysses were wanting. Thus we may regard the Nosti as a
tragic Ody$sey — an Odyssey which marks the transition from
Homer to the Agamemnon of Aeschylus.

Of the incidents of the Nosti a large proportion appear to be
taken directly from Homer. Such are : — The quarrel caused by
the anger of Athene between Agamemnon and Menelaus
{Od. 3. 135 flf.) ; the return of Diomede and Nestor {Od. 3.
166, 182); the voyage of Menelaus and his arrival in Egypt
with five ships (Od, 3. 299, arap tA? irivTe P€a<;...Alyvirr^
iiriKaaae) ; the fate of the Locrian Ajax {Od, 4. 499 flf.) ; the
story of Agamemnon and Orestes. In one or two cases we can
trace the growth of new detail from Homeric suggestions : —

(1) Megapenthes is said in the Odyssey (4. 12) to be the son of
Menelaus by a slave (e/c hovkri^) ; in the Nosti (fr. 2) the name
of the slave was given.

(2) The meeting of Neoptolemus with Ulysses in Maroneia
is suggested by Od. 9. 39, 197 flf., where Ulysses is said to have
been in that part of Thrace.

The chief additions to the Homeric account are the journeys
of Calchas and Neoptolemus ; the former of these is essentially
post-Homeric in its character. The city of Colophon, like all
the cities founded or occupied by the Ionian colonists, is quite
unknown to Homer. The oracle of the Clarian Apollo belongs
to the time when the Greek settlers in Asia Minor had adopted
to some extent the religious ideas and practices of the native
tribes: as a local oracle too, it is an institution of a post-
Homeric kind. Its seer, Mopsus, claimed descent from
Teiresias, — just as the kings of the Ionian cities are found to
claim descent from Homeric heroes, such as Agamemnon and
Nestor. In this part of the Nosti, therefore, we trace the
same relation to the history of Colophon which we found to
subsist between the Aethiopis and the history of Miletus,
and again between the Iliupersis and the later settlements in
the Troad.

In the story of Neoptolemus we may recognise a post-
Homeric element in the ethnical name of the Mo\o<rao{, which
implies some extension of geographical knowledge. It is the
first indication of the claim of the kings of Epirus to the honour
of descent from Achilles^^

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40 THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE.

Gf the remainiDg names the most important is that of Medea^
"whose magical powers were set forth (fr. 6). The notices in
Pausanias (fr. 4, 5) and ApoUodorus (fr. 1) refer to genealogical
details which it is not easy to connect with the story of the
poem. The mention of the mother of Megapenthes (fr. 2) is a
fact of the same kind. It may be inferred that the author of the
Nosti was one of the poets who made it their business to furnish
the genealogies connecting the Homeric heroes with each
other, and with the leading families of later times.

The prophetic warning given by the shade of Achilles is an
incident of a post-Homeric type ; we may compare the appear-
ance of Achilles to Neoptolemus in the Little Iliad. The
immortality of Telemachus and Telegonus follows the precedent
of Achilles and Memnon in the Aethiopis, the Dioscuri and
Iphigenia in the Gypria.

THE TELEGONIA OF EUGAMMON.

The Tehgonia was a poem in two books only, by Eugammon
of Gyrene, the last of the 'cyclic' poets. It was evidently
composed as a sequel to the Odyssey, and conclusion of the
heroic story. The argument in Proclus is as follows : —

After the burial of the suitors Ulysses goes to Elis, where
he is entertained by Polyxenus. The stories of Trophonius,
Agamede and Augeas are related. After returning to Ithaca to
perform certain sacrifices, Ulysses goes to the country of the
Thesprotians, marries their queen Gallidice, and leads them in
a war against the Brygi, in which Ares, Athene, and Apollo take
part. Gn the death of Gallidice, Polypoetes, son of Ulysses^
becomes king, and Ulysses returns to Ithaca ; then Telegonus
son of Ulysses by Girce, who has been seeking for his father,
.makes a descent upon Ithaca* Ulysses comes to repel the
attack and is killed by his own son. Telegonus finds too late
what he has done, and takes his father s body, with Telemachus
and Penelope, to his mother, who makes them immortal. Finally,
Telemachus marries Circe, and Telegonus Penelope.

It is evident that this story was framed partly to satisfy
curiosity as to the fate of the chief characters of the Odyssey,
and partly to find a place for the genealogies of various families

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THE POEMS OF THE EPIC CYCLE. 41

that claimed descent from Ulysses. The Thesprotian episode
is clearly due to the latter of these motives.

The story of the cave of Trophonius is given by the scholiast
on Aristophanes {Nvh, 500). It is a variant of the Bhampsi-
nitus story. The incident of the death of Ulysses at the hands
of his son is equally familar from the story of Sohrab and
Kustum. In these stories we have fresh instances of the kind
of attraction by which a dominant group of legend, such as the
Troica, draws in materials from other circles of popular
mythology.

There is some uncertainty as to the manner in which the
personages are disposed at the end of the poem. According to
Eustathius (p. 1796, 47) the Telegonia made Telegonus the son
of Calypso, — thus contradicting the Nosti (see the note on p. 36).
The argument of Proclus only mentions Circe ; but this may be
in deference to the authority of the Nosti. In any case the
general character of the closing scene is evident: and we
cannot but regret that the curtain should be made to fall in
this strange and burlesque fashion on the stage so long filled
by Homeric gods and men.

D. B. Monro.

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42 RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES.

EESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES.

About a year ago I paid a hurried visit to the Cyclades, with
the purpose of ascertaining how far they would repay a more
lengthened sojourn; and having satisfied myself that no part
of Greece oflfered a better field for examination than the islands
of the Aegaean sea, this last winter I undertook to visit the
Cyclades one by one — no trifling matter when we consider that
there are twenty-two of them, and only two of them have
anything like hotel accommodation.

The objects of interest there to be studied may be conveniently
classed under four distinct heads, and every one of these
interests is essentially due to the position of the islands, as the
stepping-stones used in all ages before the invention of steam
between Europe and Asia.

Firstly, comes that interest in connection with a prehistoric
empire in the Aegaean Sea, the existence of which was unknown
ten years ago, and has yet been but slightly investigated by the
French School at Athens, in the island of Santorin and the
adjacent Therasia. Dr. Schliemann's excavations at Hissarlik
bear also on the same subject, but the prehistoric inhabitants of
Troy and the prehistoric inhabitants of the Cyclades had wide
diflferences between them.

In every island of the Aegaean Sea, on almost every barren
rock I might say, are found abundant traces of a vast pre-
historic empire; and if the race was not far advanced in the arts
of civilisation, it must at all events have had great numerical
force ; and when I say that there are now twenty-two inhabited
Cyclades some of them having a population of only a few
hundreds, I may as well add that in those prehistoric times,
there must have been at least fifty thickly inhabited islands.

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KESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES. 43

most of which are now visited only in summer by herdsmen
with their flocks.

The second interest in connection with the Cyclades of course
arises from their history and associations with the great days of
Greece, and without going into details about the better known
centres of attraction such as Delos, Naxos, Pares, Melos (all of
which islands are by no means exhausted subjects, but still we
know more about them than the others), I will make a few
remarks on what I saw on a remote island Uke Amorgos. On
this island there are the extensive remains of three powerful
cities, and of these Arkesini is the most interesting, and during
an excursion of two days to this point of the island, I saw much
that stimulated me to return at some future period. The town
itself is built on a rock overhanging the sea. There are the re-
mains of ancient steps down to the beach ; the walls are very exten-
sive and the ruins are continually producing all sorts of treasures to
the old farmer who owns the place. Ancient tools, vases,
and statuettes are turned over every time he ploughs, and from
him I obtained an interesting little collection of jar handles,
stamped and inscribed. Most of them bore the well-known
stamps of Rhodes and Cnidos, but some had on them the stamps
of Amorgos and Pares, which I believe are an addition to the
series, also a clay plummet, inscribed with the owner's name,
marble polishers, &c. The old man's son, a priest at the capital,
has an excellent collection of inscriptions, coins, memorial
tablets, etc., all of which his father has dug up whilst working
at Arkesini. At the village of Brutzi just above are some
curious archaic inscriptions on a cliflf, with those half Phoenician
half Greek letters, common to the islands. One of these is cited
in Roehl's Inscrr. Graecae Antiquissimae, No. 391, pp. 109,
183.

Next morning we walked to a well-preserved Hellenic tower
which commands a fertile valley, and which Ross has described
in his book, but owing to some recent digging a large extension
of fortifications has been opened out in connection with the
tower. This tower and one on Andros are the best specimens
we have of Hellenic military art, and well merit a closer study»
Close to the tower I found a long inscription on the wall of a
church, which I copied, describing an agreement between certain
husbandmen and the priests of a temple of Zeus Temenites, for

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44 RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES.

the letting of certain sacred land. On our way back we passed by
another rock inscription upon the-hill side, OP for opo<i and a
monogram of which B for Boreas "was a prominent feature,
doubtless the northern boundary of the State of Arkesini. My
other expeditions to the other towns of Amorgos were of equal
interest, and offered great archaeological attractions.

To give another instance of the archaeological wealth of the
islands, I will mention Keos. Here there are the remains of
four large cities, one of which, Karthaia, offered rich prizes to
Bronsted fifty years ago. Since then nothing has been done
except quite recently to prop up the well known colossal lion
which was slipping down, and in doing so the discovery was
made that the lion had originally been placed at the end of a
stadium (112 by 14 strides), the seats of which can still be dis-
tinguished. This was apparently a winter stadium facing south.
There is another one just across the ravine facing north where the
inhabitants of loulis amused themselves in the summer. Besides
the towns, Keos is covered with ruins of villages, temples, towers,
&c. and then there are the miltos mines from which the Athen-
ians made their red paint with which we are all so familiar.
Keos was in fact the Syra of ancient Greece, the centre of
commerce between Europe and Asia, and of necessity would
well repay a little excavation. At the town of Poiessa I dis-
covered an inscription which forbade the cutting down of trees
on the lands belonging to a temple. A similar inscription from
Greece, but without the word BivBpa has been taken to mean
a prohibition against cutting the wood of the temple ; this
however clearly points to trees on the sacred property.

Passing over the Roman period, during which we have little
of interest in the Cyclades, saving that the islands formed a
favourite place of banishment, we come to our third interest,
namely, the period of the Crusades and the Latin power in the
East, when most of those fortress towns were built, one or two of
"which exist on every island under the indefinite name of palaio-
castro. Our resources for studying the long history of the Latin
Dukes of the Aegaean Sea is certainly meagre and Jesuitical for
the most part, but lately M. Sathas has unearthed many
interesting facts concerning this period in the Venetian archives.

Fourthly, I will briefly allude to what is perhaps the principal
interest to be gained from a sojourn among the Cyclades, namely,

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RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES. 4&

the excellent field that they offer for a study of the modem
Qreek in his most primitive form. The facts which have conduced
to this are obvious. The islands were never extensively overrun
by barbarous tribes, and the inhabitants consequently have purer
blood in their veins than most of the inhabitants of the main
land. This is especially noticeable in the island of Andros, the
most northern and the most accessible of all the group from the
mainland by way of Euboia. The northern portion of this
island is exclusively Albanian, in speech, manners, and customs.
The Greeks in the South are highly influenced by this inter-
mixture, which has in a measure destroyed the identity of the
continental Greek, but here the Albanian wave has ended, there
is not a trace of it in any other of the Cyclades.

Again the Italian influence is supposed to have had the same
eff'ect during the Latin rule in the islands, but it soon becomes
apparent to the traveller, that this influence extends very little
beyond the larger towns on the sea coast. The Italian rule
seems to have been at once weak and unpopular, the westerns
succeeded in imbuing the Greeks with but few of their customs,
religious feeling ran too high for that. At Naxos for example, at
the seat of government in the Chora or chief town, most of the
best families are of Italian origin, and still maintain their
religion, but the Greek families treat them with suspicion and
dislike. The sailors speak a patois with almost more Italian
words in it than Greek, yet up in the mountains of Naxos, a few
hours' distance from the chief town, the villages are inhabited by
Greeks of the most undoubted pedigree. It is the same at
Santorin, where the Italian influence was perhaps even more
pronourced. If you leave the town and go into the villages,
you find customs existing, the very nature of which stamp them
A\dth antiquity.

Again during the Turkish times, the islands were but little
interfered with, and to small islands such as los, Sikinos,
Pholegandros, which appear to have been uninhabited or nearly
so during the Latin rule, refugees came and settled about this
time, from all parts of the Turkish dominions, Crete, the
Peloponnese, Asia Minor, and they built walled villages up on
the hills to protect themselves from pirates, and there they
have maintained their customs undisturbed ever since. From
these facts it will be obvious that the islands of the Aegaean

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46 KESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES.

Sea, especially the smaller ones, offer unusual facilities for the
study of the manners and customs of the Greeks as they are.
Here many characteristics exist which are obsolete on the main-
land, and not a few of those customs which exist on the main-
land and have been put down as Greek are distinctly barbaric.
The test of an interest in a Greek custom as far as I see is not so
much its quaintness as it is the pedigree of the custom. The
value of one derived from Sclavic origin is not much for the
study of Hellenism. As an example I will merely state that it
interested me far more to hear that the inhabitants of Southern
Andros take their sickly children to get cured at the church of
Hagios Artemidos, and there change their clothes and put on
fresh ones blessed by the priest, than to learn that the inhabit-
ants of northern Andros still exhume the body of a man who is
supposed to haunt the place at nights, bum his body and scatter
the ashes to the winds. The one custom is traceable to the
ancient worship of Artemis, the protectress of children, Artemis
7ratSoTp6<^9 as her epithet was, — even the name of Artemis
is retained in the Christian ritual, — whilst the other custom is
distinctly of barbaric origin. Whilst on this subject I cannot
pass over a fact which has had but little attention paid to it as
yet, namely, the separate value of each island as a connecting
' link between the old world and the new as regards phraseology.
Each one can supply numbers of words which appear in no
modem glossary, but which are distinctly classical. There exist
tolerably perfect glossaries of words from Syra, Andros, Lesbos,
and Santorin, but it is in the remoter islands that the philologist
will find a rich harvest.

By way of example I will just state the existence at Anaphi,
of the word somewhat rare even in classical times fcaraXvfia for
an inn or halting place ; it is here applied to the houses by the
shore as opposed to those of the town on the hill above. At
Santorin a peasant will say kotto^oWo, for anything sudden,
compare the old word kott6<;, a dice, and /SdWco ; whilst at
Amorgos the peasants still trim their vines with a BUXa, an
obvious contraction of the two- pronged hoe SUeWa which
Sophocles mentions, and which I saw nowhere else in the
Cyclades, though I believe Mr. Newton saw it in use at
Mitylene.

I will now return to the first object of interest to which I

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KESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES. 47

alluded, and say a few words more in detail about the prehistoric
remains which I found at Antiparos, some specimens of which
have been engraved to accompany this paper.

It is first of all necessary to state why I chose Antiparos as
a basis for investigation on this point : firstly, because during
historic times we have hardly any reference to the existence of
a population here, in fact the only account that I can fiod of
Antiparos under its old name of Oliaros, is in the late author
Stephanos Byzantinos, who tells us, " Oliaros, one of the Cyclades,
about which HeracUdes of Pontus, in his description of the
islands says, ' Oliaros, a Sidonian colony, is distant from Paros
nine (?) stadia/ " This notice gives us a possible solution of the
vexed question as to who these inhabitants were; they may
have been early Phoenicians. The existence of calamine in
this island may have been known to them, and have attracted
large numbers. Only a few years ago calamine mines have been
opened here ; whether calamine and its properties were known to
the Phoenicians it is impossible now to say. I could find no trace
of any ancient works here, but they may have taken their mineral
from near the surface and have left no trace of holes. Beyond a
Venetian fortress and the present wretched village, the inhabit-
ants of which are chiefly descended from reclaimed pirates, and
a few houses near the above-mentioned mines, there are no
traces of habitations on the islands at all ; certainly nothing of
Hellenic work.

Secondly, I was induced to dig at Antiparos, because I was
shown extensive graveyards there. Of these, I visited no less
than four on the island itself, and heard from natives of the
existence of others in parts of the island I did not visit. A
rock in the sea between Antiparos and the adjacent uninhabited
island of Despotico is covered with graves, and another islet is
called Cemeteri from the graves on it. The islands of Despotico
and Antiparos were once joined by a tongue of land, which was
washed away by the encroachment of the sea on the northern
side, and in the shallow water of the bay, between the islands, I
was pointed out traces of ancient dwellings, and with the help
of the telescope, that is to say a can with a glass bottom, which
the sponge fishermen use here to see the bottom of the sea, I
was able to discern a well, filled up with sand, an oven, and a
smajl square house. It would be interesting to compai^e these

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48 KESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES.

"witli the prehistoric houses found at Therasia and Santorin by
the French school at Athens and with that on Salamis. Unfor-
tunately the ruins were too much covered with sea-weed for me,
with the rude appliances at hand, to form any opinion or take
any measurements. A clever fisherman who knows every inch
of the bay, told me that pottery, similar to that I found in the
graves, was very plentiful at the bottom of the sea near the
houses.

It is on the slope of the mountain, about a mile above
the spot where the houses were, that an extensive grave-yard
exists, it is not unlikely that the submerged houses form the
town of which this was the necropolis.

Lastly, I was further induced by the fact that the adjacent
island of Pares was a great centre for settlements in all ages
from various nations and languages, owing to the marble quarries,
but Antiparos had the advantage over Pares for excavating,
owing to the non-existence of historic remains, so that we could
start with a^ fair supposition that the extensive graveyards
belonged to a period prior to history.

During my stay at Antiparos I was assisted in everything by
the kindness of my friends the Messrs. Swan, who conducted the
calamine mines on the island, and with the aid of their workmen
I opened some forty graves in two of the graveyards. One
of these cemeteries, namely, the one over the submerged houses
already referred to, was greatly inferior to the other, in the
character of the graves themselves, and in the nature of the
finds therein, though they all belonged to the same class of
workmanship.

Firstly, we will speak of the graves themselves. Most of
those in the poorer graveyard were very irregular in design,
some oblong, some triangular, some square ; they generally had
three slabs to form the sides, the fourth being built up with
stones and rubbish. There was always a slab on the top and
sometimes at the bottom of the grave. They were on an average
three feet long, two feet wide, and seldom more than two feet
deep. In every grave on this western side we found bones
chiefly heaped together in confusion, so much so that it seems
impossible that the bodies can have been buned even in a sitting
posture, and most graves contained the bones of more bodies
than one. In one very small grave, so small that to get the

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RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES. 49

remains of two people in they must have cut up the limbs, we
found two skulls so tightly wedged together between the side
slabs, that they could not be removed without smashing them ;
from this we may possibly infer, that the flesh had been removed
in some way before interment, differing essentially from what
Dr. Schliemann found at Hissarlik, where, as he says, " all pre-
historic peoples who succeeded each other in the course of ages
on the hills of Hissarlik used cremation of the dead." This at
once argues a great difference between the prehistoric inhabitants
of Hissarlik and Antiparos. In the graves in the cemetery to
the south-east of the island, I found only one body in each, they
were considerably larger and better built ; some of them had
graves beneath, and in every case a slab or pillow on which the
head was rested. One graveyard was essentially inferior to the
other in point of wealth and advance in art, yet the nature of
the finds in each was the same.

I will firstly discuss the marble finds in these graves. In the
poorer graves I found the rudest representations of the human
form in marble, those which somewhat resemble a violin (Figs. 1,
2), both of which were in one grave and were probably meant to

Fio. 1. Fia. 2.

represent man and wife. In one grave here I also found some
flat round bits of marble which I threw away as mere pebbles
at the time, but after consideration makes me inclined to believe
that they were intended for the same purpose.

H.S.— VOL. V. E

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50 RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES.

Fig, 3. Fig. 4. Fig. 5.

Fig. 6. Fig. 7. Fig. 8.

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RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES. 51

Secondly, as to the cemetery to the south-east; the repre-
sentations of the human form which I found here were certainly
better and show considerable advance in artistic skill; they
have apparently been made by rubbing the marble with stone,
so as to leave the nose and eyes.

There is always special attention paid in the female figures
to the vulva triangle, doubtless pointing to a worship of pro-
creative power, and in one figure found here the idea of the sit-
ting posture is cleverly given, and there is a successful attempt
to give the roundness of the calves and limbs (Fig. 8). Two
similar figures I got from Pares, perhaps indicating a further
advance, the one with pointed legs I take to be a man by
comparing him with a similar figure in the British Museum
(Figs. 6, 7). From Amorgos I got a still more advanced
specimen of these quaint figures, being a group of which only
the trunk of a woman's body is left, with the arm of another
person round her back, probably a further representation of
man and wife (Fig. 9). In the museum at Athens, there

Fig. 9.

exists one of these figures of wonderfully advanced execution ;
it represents a man sitting in a chair playing a lyre, and
is really a work of fair execution, but they have always the
same curious pointed shape of the head, and unnaturally long

E 2

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52 KESEARCHES AMONG THE CYOLADES.

neck, and it is puzzling to divine why, when they could round
and finish oflf other parts of the body, the head was invariably
pointed like the blade of a stone implement.^ In some
graves I found marble legs all alone, in another a headless silver
figure, covered with so heavy an oxide that the form was almost
destroyed ; they probably must have had some religious purport,
ex voto or otherwise, and from the excess of female figures over
male, it is presumable that the people were worshippers, though
not exclusively, of some female deity.

Besides the figures there were a good many other marble
things in the graves ; large marble bowls, with vertical holes for
suspension, are frequently found in similar graves in the Cyclades,
and are called \vxvapLa by the natives. One that I found in a
grave at Antiparos, had a collection of shells from the sea shore
at the bottom of it, evidently put in at the time of burial as an
offering to the dead.

I found also several marble plates well rounded, and with an
idea of ornamentation in the rim round the edge, another dish
with bits of marble left on the edge for ornamentation, and a
neatly made phial with a lip to pour out of. Marble of course
is a speciality of the Cyclades, and especially so of the neigh-
bouring island of Pares, and doubtless was an object of commerce
to these very people, so we need not be surprised at the skill
displayed in working it.

We will next discuss the obsidian implements which I found.
In the poorer graves in the first cemetery there was not a trace
of volcanic glass implements, whilst in the richer ones, obsidian
flakes or knives were very common, but here again I found no
arrow heads, which occur in great quantities in other jdaces
where obsidian implements are found in Greece. Here in
ALUtiparos the inhabitants had their obsidian close at hand, for
a hiU about a mile from the south-eastern graveyard is covered
with it. I take it that the graves must date from the very first
introduction of the knowledge of making these instruments, as
there were none in the poorer graves, and flakes only in the
richer ones.

Obsidian, of course, is found in abundance in other parts of

^ This, if comparison, goes for any- Beyrouth with similar pointed heads,
thing, points strongly to a Phoenician engraved in S. MerriU'fi JSast of the,
origin. Cf. blonze figures found at Jordan,

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RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYOLADES. 63

the world, and old graves on continental Greece produce many
similar specimens. Obsidian cores come from Hungary, Mexico,
Terra del Fuego, &c. Cerro de Navajos is an obsidian hill in
Mexico, formerly the SheflSeld of that country, where they made
all their knives prior to the Spanish invasion. Quantities of
obsidian implements are picked up now in the fields around
there. When Cortes invaded Mexico he found the barbers of
the Aztec capital shaving the natives with razors of precisely the
same nature as the obsidian flakes I found at Antiparos.

The art of making them has perished but the theory is plain;
any maker of gun flints could do it. The Indians still have a
plan of working obsidian, by laying a bone wedge on the surface
of a core, and tapping it till the stone cracks ; their productions
are exactly similar to the flakes I found in Antiparos, as I have
certified by comparing them in the British Museum.

In the next place I found a considerable number of metal
ornaments in the graves at Antiparos. I have in my possession
a narrow twisted torque of silver with a large percentage of
copper, rings of silver with the same oxide on as certain rings
found in Etruria, which oxide cuts like horn, a band of bronze with
about seventy-five per cent of copper in it, and covered with an
incrustation of red oxide and green carbonate of copper, and
that little silver figure I mentioned above, with a thick incrust-
ation of chloride of silver, thus giving us silver, copper, and
bronze in use at the time of these graves.

Lastly, we will treat of the pottery, which after all is the most
important item, and demands our chief attention. Pottery such
as I found at Antiparos is now for the first time associated with
the marble figures and marble household utensils, thus giving
us some little further insight into the advance the people
who made these figures had made in domestic art. On none of
this pottery is there any visible trace of writing or inscriptions,
thereby suggesting that the people were not Phoenicians or
Sidonians as the legend says, for most Phoenician remains have
traces of inscriptions on them.

In the poorer graves we seldom found anything else but
pottery : it is all of a rude character and frequently incised with
rude patterns. The vase shaped like a sea urchin (Fig. 10)
is covered with a sort of herring-bone pattern, and stands about
a foot high.

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54 RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLABES.

This pattern is common on very early Hellenic glass, and is
th6 same as we often see on ancient British vases. Most of
the vases are very true, too much so to be hand-made, and
consequently we may presume that many of them were turned
on a potter's wheel. There is no trace however of a pattern
from animal or vegetable life on these vases, all being herring
or criss cross : this would place our pottery anterior to that of

Fig. 10.

Hissarlik, on which we see attempts at the representations of
eyes, noses, and breasts.

The clay is very poor and very slightly baked ; much of it is
black inside, as if the pots had been dried in a closed place, so
that the smoke has penetrated the clay. Then again, we have
frequent specimens with bits of marble in the clay to prevent it
contracting. As to shape, the specimens are very varied : there

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BESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES. 56

were lids without their bottoms, and frequent vases with a rim
for a lid which was missing; most of them had vertical or

¥10. 11.

horizontal holes through which a string hai been passed for
suspension (vide Figs. 10, 11, and 13).

, Fig. 12.

Of course no importance can be attached to the following
facts, but it is worthy of remark that in a cavern in Andalusia, a

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56 RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES.

fragment of a vase, now in the museum of St. Germain-en-Laye
was found with vertical tubular holes for suspension exactly like
some I found at Antiparos (Fig. 11). Similar ones have been
found in Breton dolmens, and in the museum of Nordiske
Oldsager there exists a vase found in a Danish barrow, covered
with a lid, and having on each side corresponding perforations
through which strings could be passed, exactly like one I found
in the richest grave I opened in Antiparos. The holes for
suspension Dr. Schliemann associates with his Trojan dis-
coveries. As to the jug (Fig. 12) Dr. Schliemann thinks that

Fig. 13.

it resembles some ho has recently found at Tiryns, only those at
Tiryns are more elegant in form. Curiously enough this
grave was the only one I opened in which I found no trace of
bones. I thought that perhaps traces of cremated bones might
be found in the earth which filled the vase, but there were
found to be none, and the earth had evidently made its way
into and filled the pot through a* crack in the side.

A vase in the British Museum from Forth Dafarch in Anglesea
has exactly the same pattern on it as one I have (Fig. 13),
and bits of marble, or quartz probably, in the clay to prevent

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RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES. 67

contractions are very commonly found in ancient British vases.
These points are merely speculations of course, and prove
nothing, but still they are curious as prehistoric coincidences.

One further point with regard to this pottery I must mention
which perplexed me considerably at the time. About two hun-
dred yards from the poorer graveyard, I opened a small isolated
grave, evidently that of a child ; in it I found a lamp and a mug
of much more recent date, probably at the most three centuries
B.C. The grave was formed in exactly the same way as the
others, and the only solution to the problem is this, that a child
died on a boat which was storm-bound in the harbour, and was
buried here, the materials and method for making the grave
being taken from the neighbouring grave-yard. Even now
barques are frequently storm-bound down there, and wait for
weeks for a favourable wind to take them to their destination.

The notes appended to this paper by Dr. Qarson show
his opinion on one skull I brought home ; if , as I hope shortly
will be the case, more skulls can be obtained, some definite
conclusion may be anived at on this point.

Notliing can be decided without the aid of geology as to the
dates of these graves, and with the aid of geology something
might possibly be done, and it would turn on two points. Firstly
as to the time of the submersion of the houses at Antiparos by
the encroachment of the sea, which has evidently been brought
about by the wearing through of the narrow slip of land between
Antiparos and Despotico, and secondly, as to the date of the first
great convulsion of nature, which changed Santorin from a
lovely island called 17 KaXX/a-riy, into a mass of pumice.

No tradition or allusion to this stupendous event is made by
Herodotus or other writers, and Herodotus gives us the traditions
of Santorin as far back as the 16th century, B.C. M. Fouqu^,
the French geologist, who went to Santorin to study the recent
eruption, stated it as his opinion, that the first convulsion took
place twenty centuries B.C. Tradition by its silence, and geology
by its surmises, combine in placing this eruption before the 16th
century, and the finds of the French School in Santorin and
Therasia were of a date prior to this eruption, for the prehistoric
villages were covered with the layer of pumice which resulted
from that eruption, which in its magnitude must have equalled
the recent calamity in the Sunda Straits.

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§8 RESEAKCHES AMONG THE GYCLADES.

Now, WLth the one exception of marble, my finds at Antiparos
are inferior in artistic merit to both those of Santorin or Hissarlik,
and hence doubtless anterior, for it can hardly be supposed that
a knowledge of making superior pottery existed on one island
and was unknown on another so close to it as Antiparos is to
Santorin, especially as M. Fouqu^ proves that there existed
considerable commercial intercourse between these islands.

By this vast population which inhabited the islands of the
Aegaean Sea, we are carried back into the remotest antiquity*
and a vast population it must have been, for every island is fall
of these graves. In our travels we found lots of the marble figures
and bowls in the peasants' houses, which they had found whilst
digging in their fields, but from observations I may state that
the great centre of this population was Pares, for the eastern
side of the island is a perfect necropolis, whereas the richest
finds and the best designed figures have come from Amorgos,
and the rudest ones I have seen are those I found at Antiparos.
I am convinced that a further study of this subject under a more
vigorous system of excavation than I was able to bestow on it,
would result in many interesting facts becoming known about
this primitive race of mankind.

J. Theodore Bent.

NOTES ON AN ANCIENT GRECIAN SKULL OBTAINED" BY
Mr. THEODORE BENT FROM ANTIPAROS, ONE OF THE

CYCLADES.

By J. G. Gaboon, m.d., Eoyal College of Surgeons,

The skull from the Greek tombs at Antiparos placed in my hands for
examination by Mr. Bent is that of an adult male of middle age. In
general appearance it is of rounded form, broad in proportion to its length,
and particularly deep from above downwards at the posterior or occipital
region. This gives it a peculiarly massive look, and is due to the rapidity
with which the posterior part curves downwards towards the foramen mag-
num from the middle parietal region. The shortness of the cranium is as it
were counterbalanced by the fulness of the cerebellar region. The cephalic
index (the relation of breadth to the length, the latter being taken as 100),
is 80 9, it is therefore brachy cephalic. The basio-bregmatic height index
(the relation of the height to the length) is 7 9 2. The breadth and height
in proportion to the length are therefore very nearly the same. The
alveolar index, which indicates the degree of projection of the lower part of

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RESEARCHES AMONG THE CYCLADES. 59

the face, is 87*1, which places it in the orthognathous group. The form of
the nasal aperture is mesorhine, the index being 51 0. The orbits are
fairly large and open, the orbital index on the relation of the height to the
width of the orbit being 84*6, which shows them to be mesoseme. The
parietal tubera are well marked, the mesial frontal suture is persistent, and
the glabella is fairly prominent.

Comparing this skull with the other Greek skulls in the College of
Surgeons' Museum, we find it most nearly agree in general character with
one obtained from an ancient tomb at Ruvo in Magna Grecia, which was
found to be rich in Grecian relics. This latter however is considerably
more dolichocephalic (its length-breadth index being 74'3), as are also the
other Greek skulls in the Museum, with the exception of one from Nola,
a Chalcedic colony.

For the sake of comparison, I place side by side with the measurements
of this skull, those of what is usually considered a typical Grecian skull
obtained from Cuma, an Eolic colony, from which it will be seen that the
skull from Antiparos differs considerably.

Skull from Bknll from

Antiparos. Cuma.

Length (maximum) 178 mm. 188

Breadth (maximum) 144 139

Length-breadth index 80*9 739

Height 141 129

Height-length Index 79*2 68 6

Circumference (horizontal) 510 525

Basio-Nasal length 101 105

Basio-Alveolar 88 102

Alveolar Index 871 97-1

Nasal length 51 53

Nasal breadth 26 25

Nasal Index 51 47*2

Orbital width 39 37

Orbital height 33 35

Orbital Index 846 86*7

The small amount of material we possess of this once great and famous
nation renders this addition very valuable. It is very desirable that more
skulls, and if possible skeletons, or at least the loBg bones be obtained, so
that tneir osteological characters may be more fully studied. I cannot too
strongly impress on those interested in Grecian history and archaeology,
the importance of obtaining and preserving the human remains as well aa
the works of art. At present the data from wliich to base conclusions as
to the osteological characters of the ancient inhabitants of Greece are totally
insufficient. Mutual co-operation between those interested in Grecian art
on the one hand, and physical anthropology on the other, will be certain
to extend our knowledge of this most mteresting people who once inhabited
the earth.

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60 NOTE ON THE INSCRIPTION FROM PRIEN

NOTE ON THE INSCRIPTION FROM PRIENE
(Vol. IV. p. 237.)

I HAVE been favoured with a letter from M. Haussoullier,
Professor of Greek Antiquities at Bordeaux, respecting the
Prienian decree which I puUished in the last number of this
Journal from the MS. copy of Mr. Murray. M. Haussoullier,
whose valuable contributions to Greek epigraphy are well-
known, especially to readers of the Bulletin de Correspondance
HdUnigue, tells me that he visited Prieni in 1879 and took an
impression and copy of this same inscription. He has very-
kindly communicated to me the readings in which his impression
differs from Mr. Murray's MS. The comparison proves the
general accuracy of Mr. Murray's copy.

Line 9. — Murray tov ')(p6vov : Haussoullier roy 'xpovov.

Line 19. — Murray ottw? iafirj, from which I restored 07r<»9
hlelfiTj : Haussoullier ottw? 8'a... only.

Line 21. — ^Murray fjbaOcovopTcov AIA — his first a looked
equally like a; and so I read it, suggesting fia[v]6av6vT€ii>v.
But <o is right, for Haussoullier has OilNONTilN only.

Line 22. — Murray /cocvov, apparently corrected from kolv(ov.
The latter is confirmed by Haussoullier, who has [K\oi,v&y.

It will be observed that Mr. Murray seems in several cases to
have succeeded in reading one or two more letters than appear in
M. Haussoullier's impression. As Mr. Murray visited Eelibesch
in 1870 and M. Haussoullier in 1879, it is very likely that the
edges of the stone had sustained some damage during the nine
years' interval This should be borne in mind when we pass
from the unimportant readings given above to the reading of
line 2, which I reserve to the last as involving the name of a
Prienian month.

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NOTE ON THE INSCRIPTION FROM PRIENJI. 61

In Kne 2 Mr. Murray has TAYN, and begins line 3
OYAYZIAZ. I imagined TAYN | OY, of which I could
make no sense, to be a false reading for flANH | [M]OY, the
known name of a Prienian month. The accuracy of Mr. Murray's
copy is, however, confirmed in part by M. Haussoullier's impres-
sion, which reads in line 2 TAYI, but in line 3 YZIAZ only.
It is certain, therefore, that our inscription gave the name of a
month not mentioned in any other Prienian document. How is
it to be restored ? Probably I was right at first in suggesting
Tavpecov (Vol. IV. p. 238). If not Tavpedv it might be
Tai;peto9. The latter would make the genitive in OY agree
with Mr. Murray's reading of line 3 ; while Tavpetov is a well-
known name of an Ionic month at Kyzikos (Bockh, 0, I. 3658).
In either case we must suppose Mr. Murray to have mis-read
the P as N at the end of line 2.

The minute accuracy upon which the study of inscriptions
depends can seldom be assured except through the repeated
examination of a marble, if possible by different eyes. Thus
letter by letter do we recover the relics of ancient Greek
civilization.

E. L. Hicks.

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62 ORNAMENTS AND ARMOUB FROM KERTCH

ORNAMENTS AND ARMOUR FROM KERTCH IN
THE NEW MUSEUM AT OXFORD.

Plates XLVL, XLVIT.

When Mr. Newton, in 1874, ^ was writing about Greek art
in the Kimmerian Bosporos, he was obliged to refer his readers
for a sight of the objects he was describing to the Ermitage at
St. Petersburg, and to the two magnificent Russian publications ^
in which are reproduced some of the recent acquisitions of that
museum. If any are desirous of learning what is the place in
the history of Greek art which is filled by the discoveries in
the Crimea, and of gaining a general view of the history ami
results of the excavations carried on in that region by the
Russian government, it is needless to say that Mr. Newton's
article will still meet their requirements ; but for a view of some
specimens of the objects therein referred to it is no longer
necessary for an Englishman to travel to St. Petersburg, for
there is now in the New Museum at Oxford a collection of gold
and other ornaments, vases and weapons, which, though of
course comparatively insignificant both as to numbers and the
magnificence of individual articles, yet oflFers samples of most
of the principal classes of objects discovered in the neighbour-
hood of the Crimea. The objects of which it consists were all
found near Kertch, the ancient Pantikapaion, which has now
for some time been famous as the chief centre of the Russian
excavations ; they were presented to the University of Oxford
by Dr. C. W. Siemens. Drawings have been made of the most
important specimens by Mr, Julian Drummond, and these we

^ Portfolio, N08. 58, 60. Essays en Rendu de la Commission ImpSriale

Art and Archaeology, ii. ArMologique. See also Ouvaroff, An-

' GilU and Stephani, AnbiquiUs du tiquiUs de la Eussie M^ridionale,
Bospore Cimmirien ; Stephani, Compte

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IN THE NEW MUSEUM AT OXFORD. 63

are now enabled, through the kindness of Sir H. W. Acland
to reproduce.

The collection is formed from the spoil of five Greek graves.
Both from the nature of the ornaments discovered, and also
ftom the skeletons themselves, it has been ascertained that in
one of these graves a warrior was buried, while the other four
contained the remains of women. The graves were all inclosed
within small tumuli, some of which occur arranged in rows,
others solitary. The floors of the graves, which were protected
by hewn slabs of limestone, twelve inches in thickness, were
usually excavated about two feet below the level of the surround-
ing soil, a tumulus being piled up above them to some consider-
able height — eighteen and twenty-four feet in two recorded
instances. The human remains were in each case inclosed in
coffins of walnut wood, but these fell to dust on exposure, as
also did ihe bones themselves ; the only exception among them
was one skull, that of the warrior, which was protected by his
helmet. This is now duly preserved in the Oxford Museum, in
a series of crania, opposite the case where his belongings are
displayed. The bodies were in each case placed with their
•heads towards the east.

Besides the ornaments, arms, and other articles for use or
display usually found in the tombs, there seems to have been
in one case a further attempt to provide for the employment
and comfort of the deceased. Outside the coffin in the fourth
tumulus were a chair and a spindle, as well as two cups, all of
wood. Of these, however, nothing is now to be seen, as they
completely crumbled away on exposure to the air. The warrior
buried in the first tumulus was provided with the services of
his horse and his dog in the region of the dead. The skeletons
of both these animals were discovered outside the grave, and
lying by the horse's head was an iron bit, so completely corroded
as to fall to pieces. It appears that this custom of burying
animals, especially horses, with their master, was by no means
unfrequent in the neighbourhood of Kimmerian Bosporos, as
similar remains have, in numerous cases, been discovered in the
graves of that region.

Before describing in detail the various articles reproduced in
our plates, it will perhaps be as well to give a short general list
of the things found in each grave, and briefly to consider, where

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64 ORNAMENTS AND ARMOUR FROM KERTCH

necessary, those to which we shall not again have occasion to
refer.

In the first tumulus was the grave of the warrior above
mentioned. The tumulus itself was twenty-four feet in height ;
within it, and outside the grave, were the remains of the dog
and the horse. The grave itself yielded the richest find of all
this series ; in it were all the articles reproduced on PL XL VI.
Hence it will be seen that the warrior was provided with a
helmet and other armour, that around him were arrows, a
mirror, and a pair of earrings, and that his dress was covered
with numerous small plates of gold. At Oxford there are also
bits of woollen stuflF and skins in which he was wrapped, a
sponge, a heavy bronze ladle, a gold ring without any intaglio
design, and a massive gold collar or torque, tapering from the
middle towards the two ends, which are not joined together ;
thus it could, from its elasticity, easily be put on or taken off.
This torque is a perfectly simple piece of gold, without any
ornament whatever, like that represented in the Compte Rendu
for 1876, PL iv. 6. It is recorded that there were also found
in this grave the remains of two small marble and earthen-
ware vases, of the kind formerly called 'lachrymatories,'
two swords, one shorter than the other, and eight pieces of
gold forming a necklace, but none of these are now in the
collection.

The second tumulus, which was eighteen feet high, contained
the grave of a woman. The coffin was painted red and white.
Here were found the ring, necklace, and pair of clasps repre-
sented on PL XLVII. 11, 12, 13, and also three plain bowls, each
with two handles, a variegated glass alabastron, a flat round
platter without handles, raised upon a high foot, and three
other vases. Two of these last are of the form called by Gerhard,
* askos * ; ^ they have the mouth at one side, and the handle
running from it right across to the other side ; both are painted
with red figures. On one are a hare and a dog, * on the other
two satyrs, each carrying a horn, and one an amphora. On the
third vase, an aryballos, are two does and a tree. All these are
now in Oxford.

1 Or 'askion," Ann, Inst 1886. « Cf. Compte Bendu, 1876, p. 130;

Gahl and Eoner, Life of the Greeks a vase of similar shape, with lion and
and Bomansy Fig. 198 ; 82. hare.

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IN THE NEW MUSEUM AT OXFORD. 65

The third and fifth tumuli, in both of which women were
buried, seem not to have yielded very many articles. From the
third came the necklace and armlets reproduced on PI. XLVII.
9, 10 ; from the fifth, the ring, PI. XLVII. 7}

The fourth tumulus, again containing a woman's grave, was
much richer in its yield. Numerous gold plates had served to
ornament the dress of its occupant (PL XLVII. 23), and a neck-
lace, a pair of armlets, a pair of clasps, two rings, and an amulet
of chalcedony (PI. XLVII. 1, 4 — 8), were among her ornaments.
In this grave were also found a small silver bowl with two
handles, a sponge, a perforated bronze wine-strainer, described as
an incense-vase, and a small copper-gilt mirror with a handle :
these form part of the Oxford collection. Here too were the
wooden chair, spindle, and cups above referred to.

Having thus given a general sketch of the nature and quantity
of the objects discovered, it now remains for us to consider
somewhat more in detail those more important ones among
them which have been selected for reproduction in our two
plates, taking them after the order of their numbers.

XLVI. 1 is a piece of armour discovered in the fii'st tumulus :
this, as well as 3, would be called scale armour by M. Stephani,
though only the latter corresponds to the more ordinary type.
No. 1 consists of bars of bronze, riveted together by bronze wire,
and fastened upon a lining of tough hide, which is still in a
wonderfully good state of preservation. In the Compte Bendu
for 1876, PI. ii. 11, 12, 15, 16, 20, are represented several frag^
ments of scale armour, some of them almost exactly resembling
this piece in construction. It is hard to see what part of the
armour was formed either by this,* or by No. 3, for both hate the
hide turned over them at the edge in such a way as to indicate
that they were more or less separate pieces. From the shape of
the former piece, one may conjecture that it was one of the
plated pteryges which are usually seen hanging from the waist
of a thorax ; the chief objection to this is that scale breastplates
were not generally made after this customary pattern.

XLVI. 2 is a helmet of bronze. Unlike the merely ornamental
head -pieces often found in tombs, this was evidently made for
actual use. It is quite plain, and without decoration of any sort ;

^ It is uncertain wiieth^r this ring ' This is called & gauntlet in tli<^
belongs to the fifth grave or the first. description.

H.S. — VOL. V. F

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66 ORNAMENTS AND ARMOUR FROM KERTCH

a flat ridge runs over the top of the crown. On the front of it,
visible in our illustration, a plate of bronze had been riveted on
to it by three nails. Opposite this is a corresponding space left
free from the series of holes which surrounds the rest of the rim ;
in the centre of this space are two holes, one above the other. On
each side of the helmet is a short slit. It is not clear what was
the purpose of all these small holes ; they may have been for
the attachment of a lining.^ * Other protective metal plates
can hardly have been fastened to them, as if so, some remains
of these must have been found,

XL VI. 3 is a piece of scale-armour of the ordinary fish-scale
type (XcTTiBoDTo^), In the Antiques du JBospore Gimm^rien, PI.
xxvii. and also in the Gomjpte Bendu for 1876, PL ii. 18, 19,
are numerous examples of these scales; indeed, as many as
2,500 are recorded to have been found even at the time of the
earlier publication,^ whence it would appear that this kind of
armour was much in use amongst the Greeks in the neighbour-
hood of the Crimea. Yet a special interest attaches to the
Oxford example, for in it we find the scales still fastened by
leather thongs to a lining of hide, thus showing exactly the
construction of the coat of mail. This lining has in other cases
perished, though in one instance it is recorded to have been
found upon opening the tomb, and to have crumbled away on
exposure. By some fortunate chance this piece of leather has
survived, and with it the arrangement of the bronze scales.
Here, as in the case of No. 1, it is hard to see the exact destina-
tion of this piece of armour ; perhaps this may be a shoulder
piece.^

XL VI. 4 is a bronze ornament in the form of a camel's head ;
it is about five inches long, and has a small staple for attachment
at the back. It seems to have served the same purpose as the

1 More probably they may have * 1854 55.
served for fastening a leather brim to ^ Mr. A. J. Evans suggests that No. 3
the helmet. The cavalry of Northern is the lid of a quiver. The hole at the
Greece often wore a helmet somewhat lower corner would well suit a shoulder-
in the form of a modern sun-helmet, piece, for these often had thongs
such as Eucratides, King of Bactria, attached to them and tied lower down,
wears on his coins. Such a helmet, in On the other hand, I have not found
metal, is at Rugby, in the possession an example on monuments of a scale
of Mr, Bloxam ; but it seems likely armour made with shoulder-pieces of
that the rim would usually be made, the ordinary type,
for lightness, of leather.

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IN THE NEW MUSEUM AT OXFORD. 67

object represented in the Oompte Berhdu for 1876, p. 126, and
there described by M. Stephani as a harness ornament. The
appearance of the camel in Greek art is so rare as to call for
some remark. It is a somewhat singular coincidence, at least,
that the earliest instance known occurs on a vase found in this
region, and published in the Gompte Bendu for 1875, PL v. 1.
M. Stephani,^ in commenting on this, enumerates the other
instances in which the animal is found, and these form by no
means a long list ; ^ he generally traces either some reference
to Bacchanalian triumphs, or to the local characteristics of hot
regions. Hence the occurrence here, apparently as a purely
decorative form, is very peculiar.

XL VI. 5, represents specimens of a series of arrow-heads ; the
one of simpler form, without a socket to cover the end of the shaft
is of bone ; only one of this material was found here. Of the
other and more elaborate pattern twenty-five were found ; these
are of copper and are gilt, as also are the arrow-heads on PI.
xxvii., of the Antiquites du Bospore Cimmirien ; ^ none of those,
however, are so elaborate as these in design. When found, the
shafts of these arrows could also be seen; they were made
of reeds.

XL VI. 6 is one of a pair of gold earrings, of very peculiar con-
struction and design. In the Oornpte Bendu for 1876, PI. iii. 42,
is an earring of very similar shape, there described by M. Stephani
as *ganz einfach/ Here, however, there is a further modifi-
cation of this shape, which seems to have struck the artist as
similar to that of a cock. He has accordingly increased this
resemblance by adding a cock's head to it, the body being still
ornamented by ordinary jewellery designs, such as a wreath,
and a zig-zag produced by alternating granulated triangles ; the
place of the tail-feathers, too, is taken by the long pin curling
round towards the head. Indeed, the resemblance to a cock
seems merely to be felt and indicated by the introduction
of the head, without being carried out into any further
details.

XLVI. 7 gives specimens of eighty-four small gold plates in the

1 C,E. Text 1875, pp. 95-100. tury B.C.

* A camel mounted by a driver ' Those in the Ant, Basp, Cim. are

occurs as type of a coin of Phoenicia or bronze with remains of gilding.
Judaea (uncertain) of the fourth cen-

F 2

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68 ORNAMENTS AND ARMOUR FROM KERTCH

form of rabbits, which were found scattered over the breast, having
evidently once served as the ornaments of a piece of clothing
which has now disappeared* Such plates, often called bracteae,
(TreraXa), are well known to be among the moat frequently
discovered objects in the tombs of this region, whence we may
assume that its inhabitants were fond of dresses decorated with
them ('x^pvo'OTraa'Tot, Sid)(pv<Toi ia-drfresi). On the breast of this
warrior were also found two hollow gold bosses, of which one is
represented in I. 8.

XL VI. 9 is the handle of a mirror, whose plate, also found,
though broken away at the part where it was attached to the
handle, was of copper gilt ; the decoration consists of spirals and
vegetable forms. It seems somewhat surprising to find either a
muTor or earrings in the tomb of a man, together with armour
and weapons. They may have been objects endeared to him
by association.

. With this ends the list of objects found in the first tumulus ;
the rest of the graves, being those of women, contained mostly
aii»icles of female ornament : these will all be found on
Plate XLVII.

No. 1 is one of a pair of armlets ; such ornaments were often
used by the Greeks, and these are too small for the neck, and
too large for the wrist. They seem to have had no clasp> but
to have kept in their place by their own elasticity ; the ends of
them terminate in rams' heads, a frequently recurring form.
These heads, as well as the casing of the rings themselves, are
made of thin plates of gold ; the ring has a core of solid bronze ;
and over this the gold plate is laid in such a way that its join
can be clearly traced all along the inner side. The rams' heads
are merely hollow cases of gold fitted over the ends of this
core. The bands of ornament which surround the ends of the
ring just below the heads are interesting, as one may clearly see
in tliem that method of fabrication which is supposed to have
led to the predilection for spirals in goldsmiths' work. The spiral
decorations here consist of fine gold wire, coiled into the requisite
form and then soldered on to the ground. Some of these coils
have become loose, and thus the manner of their application is
evident.

XLVII. 2 and 3 are specimens of those small gold plates which
we have already met in tumulus. I. and which were used for the

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IN THE NEW MUSEUM AT OXFORD. 69

decoration of the dress ; only one was found like Nq. 2, with the
representation of a full face, and holes pierced for attachment
to the material of the dress. Similar full-faced heads ^ are often
found on the plates of the Russian publications ; sometimes they
seem to be Gorgoneia, but more frequently they have no dis*
tinctivc characteristics. They may often be regarded as amulets,
especially when, as here, only one of them is found among
numerous plates of diflferent design.

No. 3, on the other hand, is one of forty-nine similar plates
found scattered over the body. All are in the form of a lion,
a rather favourite device ; * and each has three holes in it for
attachment. These holes are, however, not quite identically
placed on all, so it is clear that all were not pierced at once,
and that the holes are independent of the stamp by which the
design wfts produced.

XLVII. 4 is a part of a gold necklace, which consists of
alternate links of two diflferent kinds, with a pendant from each.
Half the links are in the form of rosettes, the other half in that
of two crescents back to back ; a hollow tube for threading runs
at the back of each link. These rosettes and double crescents,
doubtless because of the adaptability of their form to one
another, are also seen combined in the decoration of a gold-
mounted whet-stone * discovered in this neighbourhood, and we
find too links * of a necklace in the form of two crescents back
to back, with two tubes running at the back for the cords* The
pendants consist of hollow gold ; those from the rosettes are
elaborately worked to resemble acorns, and are very much larger
than the others.

XLVII. 6 is one of a pair of objects whose purpose can hardly
be said to have been as yet clearly ascertained ; it consists of
bronze gilt, and its ends terminate in granulated pyramids.
Many similar specimens have been found in the neighbourhood
of Kertch ; one much resembling this is represented on Plate
xxxii. 14, of the AiUiquitds du Bospore Cimm4i*ien, In that
publication fourteen * others are referred to, in various materials,
gold, silver, and bronze gilt. A suggestion is there made that

1 Ouvaroff, op. cU, PI. ti. 5 ; Anti- ' ArU. du Bosp. Cim, PI. xxjt. 7.

quiUs du Bosp. Oim. PI. xiia. 10 ; xxi. * Ibid, PI. xxiv. 9.

16, 21, kc. ^ In 1854-66. Several more have

* Ani. du Bosp, Cim. PI. xx. 2 ; been found since.
C,R. 1876, PI. iii. 9,

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70 ORNAMENTS AND ARMOUR FROM KERTCH

these were used as agraffes, for fastening the chiton on the
shoulder. Again, we find one represented in the Compte Rendu
for 1876, PI. iii. 32, and- in commenting on this, M. Stephani
observes that these objects are invariably found in pairs, and
always on the breast, not on the shoulder, and that they are
worn by men and women alike. This seems to be all we can
learn about them, and their exact use must still be left in
doubt ; they probably served in some way as clasps to keep the
dress in position; may they have been connected with the
girdle, and held it in its place ?

XL VII. 6 is a gold signet ring with what seems a portrait
head, somewhat roughly cut in intaglio, in the metal itself, as
in the case of the bronze ring represented in Oiwaroff, op. cit.,
Plate xvi. 17.^

XL VII. 7 is a gold ring with a design cut in intaglio in the
metal itself; this design is a youthful head, full-face, with horns
and long hair ; a chlamys over the shoulders is fastened by a
broocTi beneath the chin. Above the head is an uncertain
object, which may be a bee or fly, possibly a bud. If we are
desirous of finding the meaning of this device, the type is
one which might well represent the young Dionysos or a
River-god.

XLVII. 8 is a chalcedony, bored through its greater diameter ;
on it is cut in intaglio an oriental animal, winged and mitred ; it
has the body, head, and fore-paws of a lion, but its hinder legs
end in bird-like talons. This gem was probably used as an
amulet ; it was found near the neck and breast of the woman's
skeleton in the fourth tumulus. In the AntiquiUs du Bospore
Cimm4rien, PI. xvi. 2, 3, 5, 6, 10, 14, we find Babylonian or
Assyrian devices, on cylinders and on gems attached to swivel-
rings or chains; this may have had, as a substitute for a chain,
a thread which has now disappeared, and so have been hung
round the neck.

XLVII. 9 is a portion of a gold necklace, consisting of alternate
larger and smaller squares, each divided by one horizontal, and
three vertical depressions; the larger ones are also adorned
with rosettes. Pendants hang from the links, one from each
in this part of the necklace; the five rosette-squares nearest to
the centre of the whole have two pendants each. The pendants
1 Cf, also Anf, du Bosp, Cim, PI. xviii.

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IN THE NEW MUSEUM AT OXFORD. 71

from these squares are ornamented only with plain ribs ; those
from the smaller ones have beaded ribs, and also, perhaps, a
decoration of crossing lines between the ribs.^ At one end is a
clasp for fastening the necklace on, but how this worked is not
now apparent.

XL VII. 10 is one of a pair of armlets or bracelets; these are of
silver, with heads of thin gold plate at the ends. These heads
are those of panthers or lions, of a very conventional oriental
type. Below the heads is a plain band, encircled by a wreath
at each end.

XL VII. 11 is a signet ring of gold with a sphinx crouching,
cut in intaglio in the metal itself; in front and behind are
buds, which serve to fill up the space of the field.

XLVII. 12 gives three views of a specimen of twenty-six rams'
heads, in hollow gold, all pierced through the neck so as to be
strung together to form a necklace; a granulated triangle is
introduced as an ornament, possibly representing wool, above
the forehead of each.

XLVII. 13 is one of a pair of hollow gold clasps, the fastenings
of which are still to be seen. The two ends are covered with plain
caps, but the ring is ornamented with flutings which run in the
form of a spiral, starting in reverse directions, from the middle
towards the ends. These clasps may have served to feisten the
chiton together upon the shoulders.

Such are the objects selected aa specimens of the collection now
at Oxford ; and in these are included all the pieces of jewellery
or armour which are of any importance. In that collection
those who have not seen the vast store of similar treasures now in
St. Petersburg may find some specimens to illustrate the nature
and workmanship of the contents of the tombs in southern
Russia ; and at the same time it is highly valuable as filling
sometgaps even in the rich series of the Hermitage.

There does not seem to be among the articles now in the
Oxford Museum any one which possesses such distinctive
characteristics of style or subject as would enable us to assign a
definite date to itself, and to the other objects found with it.
No grounds are apparent for making any distinction in this

* This is by no means so certain as visible on most. Perhaps it is merely
it appears on the plate ; the cross is accidental,
not clear on any, and no trace of it is

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73 ORNAMENTS AND ARMOUI^ FROM KERTCH

respect between the five graves ; they seem all to belong to the
same period, and their contents show much similarity both to
one another and to numerous other objects found in the same
region. This period is that of Alexander the Great, a time
during which Pantikapaion, and other Greek colonies in thi^
region, were at the summit of their prosperity, and to which are
generally assigned the majority of the graves recently excavated
in southern Russia. Nothing in them points to the style of
an earlier period ; nor, on the other hand, is there any trace of
that deterioration in taste and workmanship which we might
expect in products of later date.

The style of the articles in the Oxford collection does not
differ from that of most of the others found in the same neigh-
bourhood, and now in St. Petersburg. This has been already
discussed by Mr. Newton,^ but it will not be amiss here briefly
to refer to a few of its chief characteristics. The art of the
Greek Crimea was, in its origin at least, that of Athens. Many
of the most magnificent objects discovered were probably im-
ported from that city ; but there they had been manufactured
with a special view to this market^ so that even in them some
reaction of local taste and influence may he expected. Most of
the smaller articles, such as those found in our five graves, may
well have been the work of local goldsmiths. But these would
copy Athenian models and work under Athenian influence, and
hence the importance to us of the metal-work found in the
Crimea, in the scarcity of other specimens which can be assigned
to purely Hellenic art. Other influences must of course be
allovfed for: oriental types are of not infrequent occurrence, espe-
cially in the case of rings, cyUnders, and gems which may have
served as amulets; but instances in articles of a purely orna-
mental nature, such as the armlets, XL VII. 10, are sometimes
to be found. Nor can the barbarism of the neighbouring
Scythians have been without all influence, though it does not
frequently obtruda itself. Many of the articles may have been
made for the use of these barbarians, and even the Greek
colonists probably did not keep themselves untainted from the
taste of those among whom they dwielt. But even after allowing
for all these foreign influences, enough of purely Hellenic art is
left to be of the utmost value to us, since by it we may see how

^ Art. cU,

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IN THE NEW MUSEUM AT OXFORD. 73

the refined taste of the Greeks could adapt itself to the
delicacies of goldsmith's work no less than to the grandeur of a
colossal statue. Before the Russian excavations, the knowledge
of Greek metal-work was most scanty ; but for them, and for a
few isolated specimens found upon the islands or other Hellenic
soil, we should be reduced to drawing uncertain and inadequate
inferences from the products of Etruria and of Rome, imitative
indeed of Greek art and subordinate to its influence, but totally
unable to preserve to us the spirit of the models after which
they were formed. Therefore it is that any acquisitions from
a region of more purely Hellenic influence are of the utmost
value for a truer appreciation of Hellenic art in England.

E. A. Gardner.

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74 THE BELL AND THE TRUMPET.

THE BELL AND THE TRUMPET. (KflAflN, tAAHirS.)

The bell, as is well known, plays in Hellenic life a very
limited part. From prose authors, describing the actual facts
of life, oU xP^f^^*> ^^^ ^vvea-fiev — to use a phrase of Aristo-
phanes closely connected with this topic — we hear of K(oh(ove<;
or hellSj in two functions only, I think. They are the attribute of
the crier, and of the sentinel on the wall. The first use of
them was familiar enough to create a proverb hairpdaa-ea-OaL tl
C09 KcoScova i^ayfrdfJLevo^, ' to do a thing like a crier with a bell
tied to him,' i.e, ostentatiously, a proverb roughly corresponding
to our ' be one's own trumpeter,' which the lexicon cites with it.
Of the second use, which, we may observe, was confined,
for anything that appears to the contrary, to times of special
apprehension, we have a well-known example in the last
chapter of the fourth book of Thucydides. Brasidas, in the
course of his brilliant campaign iirl @pa/ci79, made a daring
though unsuccessful attempt to convert the instrument of
precaution into an occasion of surprise by scaling part of the wall
of Potidaea at the very moment when a sentinel watching it had
gone to the end of his beat ' to pass the bell ' to the next man.
The object of the round was of course to give a noisy proof to the
authorities and the inhabitants that at the fixed hour the
sentinels were all at their posts. Sometimes, as we see fi:om
Aristophanes, Birds, 842, a different way was used — a tour of
inspection being made by one bellman : xcoSfovocjyop&v ireplrpexc
teal KaOevh^ ixec is one of the glib commands which Peithetairos
pours out upon the long-suffering JSuelpides. The ironical
hint that he should take a nap on the way suggests the dangers
of trusting so much to one functionary. The tour of Euelpides
is properly speaking an inspection of the works in course of
building, not of sentries, and it is very probable that ' the bell '
was then, as it is still, a familiar voice where large parties of

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THE BELL AND THE TRUMPET. 75

workmen are employed over a considerable area, whether in
civil or military constructions. Later in the same play (1160)
the carrying of the bell is duly mentioned among the pro-
tections of the new-built Nephelokokkygia against surprise on
the part of the hostile gods.

Such was the bell in daily Greek life. But the poets give
us glimpses of a diflferent *bell/ not carried but worn as a
military decoration and instrument of terror, whether on the
personal armour, the shield or the helmet, or on the chariot and
gear of the horses. It is with this smaller decorative fccoStov
that we are now concerned. As I have already said, the most
noticeable thing about it is that it is not a truly Greek decora-
tion — or at least not, if one may so say, classical. In the Frogs
of Aristophanes Euripides, it will be remembered, takes credit
to himself and his type of tragedy, in comparison with the
manner of Aeschylus, for having made poetry of the real facts of
life, oh x/>ct)M€^, oU ^v€(rfi€v, and contrasts the bearded,
scowling, mock-Titanic militaires formed by the old teaching,
with the supple and dexterous politicians of his own school
(Frogs, 964).

yvdyacL Be tov? tovtov t€ Kafiov^ ifcarepov fiadrjrd^'
TOVTovfievl ^opfiiaio^ MeYatVero? 0* 6 Mai'^9,
aaXinyyoXoy'xy'irTjvdSai, aapKaa-fioirtTvoKdfjLTn aV

OVfloX he KX€tTO(f>(hv T€ KOI @T}pafJb€Vl]^ 6 K0fl'^6<i.

It is interesting to note that the thing selected by Euripides
as the type of the poetry which sought dignity and im-
pressiveness in the unfamiliar, is the armour-hell. ' I did not/
says the poet of culture {ao(f>la), ' I did not tear my audience
from thought to bombastic noise, I did not startle them with
representations of a Kyknos or a Memnon with bells upon the
harness of their steeds.'

aXX' ovK iKOfi'TroXaKovv
diTO Tov (jypoveiv dTroaTrdad^;, oifS^ i^e7rXr)Trov avrov<i
TLvKvov^ TTOi&v KoX Mifivova^; KQ)8€ovo(f)a\apo7rd)\ovf:.

*No,' he says, 'I invited reflexion, sober judgment, by
keeping to objects which my hearers knew well enough to
criticise.'

^vv6iS6t€<; yap ovtoc

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76 THE BELL AND THE TRUMPET.

If we refer to the extant specimens of tragedy, this position
is fully justified. The kcoSoov is not apparently mentioned in
Euripides. Whether Sophokles actually introduced it upon the
stage we cannot say. It is not upon the stage in the fragment
cited by Plutai'ch (738), where the KcoBcovoKporov a-aKo^, the shield
with clashing bells, is mentioned as an accoutrement cf the
Trojans, (f>IXnnroi koX KepovkKoi avv crdfcei Be KODhtovoKponp
iraXaicraL It is impossible to mistake the depreciatory
tone of these words, which bring the empty terrors of a
barbarian chivalry, the ro^oBafivov "Aprj of men who drew
the bow-tip, into comparison with the grim earnest of the
Greek speai-man on foot. Once in the extant tragedies of
Sophokles we find a KcoSayv. To the voice of the brazen-
mouthed Italian kcoBwv is compared the clear voice of Athena,
caught by the ready ear and mind of her faithful Odysseus
{Aias 14).

& (f>0€yfi 'A^ai/a?, (f>cXTdTr)^ ifiol de&v,

0)9 €Vfia6h <^0V, K&V aTTOTnO^ 179, OfJbO)^

(fxovTjfi a/covd) KOI ^uvapTrd^Q) <^p€i'l
"XaX/coaTOfiov K(i>Bcovo<; c&9 Tvpar^mKr}^.

The traditional interpretation of this passage, descending
from the scholia, would exclude it from our theme, by giving to
KooBcov the unusual sense to irXarv t^9 ad\'7nyyo<;, * the broad
end of the trumpet.' This explanation seems however somewhat
doubtful. A ' special meaning ' is a common device of careless
commentators, and the epithets %a\«o<7To/xo9 and TvparjvcKij,
both proper to the trumpet, would be quite sufficient to provoke
the note. Really they prove nothing. The bell was as certainly
a foreign thing by origin as the trumpet, and may well have
been also Italian, or so supposed ; and when we see that the
armour-bell was to Sophokles a characteristic of Troy, we are
reminded that a legend of unknown antiquity, which derived
from later history an unforeseen importance, did connect
Asia with Italy, the Lydian allies of Troy with the ' Tyrrhenian '
Tiber. Going back to Aeschylus, we see from Aristophanes
that the actual bell, as a part of theatrical costume, was
employed by the poet to add the eflfect of a strange terror to
such heroic and imaginary figures as Kyknos the son of Ares,
and Memnon the son of the Dawn — with the advantage, as
Euripides kindly suggests, that the unwonted noise saved the

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THE BELL AND THE TRUMPET. 77

accompanying words from the animsuiversions of a reflecting
spectator. The author of the Rhesos, who imitates all the
triad in turn, has imitated Aeschylus in the entry of the Thracian
monarch, the ally and kinsman, by the way, of the Trojans.
When a messenger announces his approach, we are told that
bound on the foreheads of his horses, as on the goddess' aegis,
is a brazen Gorgon, 'ringing terror with many a bell' [Khes. 308) :
and when he arrives, the soldiers shout in admiration of his
armour bound with gold, and the proud rattle of his bells
(Ehes. 383) :

tSe ')(pva6h€Tov (Tco/Jbaro^ aXKrjv
k\v€ fcal KOfiirov^ KtoSayvoKpdrov^
irapa iropirdKODV KcXaSovvra^,

Here we are giveu another ' special meaning,' for the lexicon
will have it that iropira^ is not Trdp'ira^ here but iropirq, though
why or how a bell should be attached to a buckle-pin rather
than to the handle-bar which crossed the interior of the shield
is a question to be asked. Wherever they were fixed, these
bella of Khesos are the expression of that feeling so peculiarly
detestable to the Hellenic mind, the noisy and unsober pride
which goes before a fall. It is again in this aspect that the
bell is presented in the Seven against Thebts, If this were a
proper place, it might be shown that the whole colouring of
the military descriptions in that play is archaic, while those of
the proud invaders, doomed to the punishment of pride, are
designedly offensive and it may be said non-Hellenic. For the
present we are concerned only with the wild and wicked Tydeus,
whose taunts against his too unworthy associate in arms, the
calm and pious Amphiaraos, are significantly followed by the
description of his umbrageous triple crest and his intimidating
bells.

\c(f>oc Se tcdyBcov rov SaKvova* dvev Bopo^:,

■ is the comment of Eteokles. A question of some interest arises
upon the details of the description, which runs as follows
{TheKZM)—

TOiavT^ avr&P Tp€h Karaa/ciov^; Xo^i/^
(reiei, icpavov^ ;^atT«/[i*, vir aairiho^ Be to>
XaXterjXaToi fcXd^tMrt KcoScove; <p6fiov

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78 THE BELL AND THE TRUMPET.

and so follows his arrogant device of a nocturnal sky, moon,
and stars. It would thus appear that the bells are fixed in
some way under the shield, to the handle (iropTra^), perhaps,
where Rhesos wore some of his. But on a closer examination
there is reason for a different view. The replies of Meokles to
the successive descriptions given by his scouts are throughout
close commentaries upon those descriptions. Now, in his
remark, above quoted, on the harmless gauds of Tydeus, it will
be noticed that the bell is associated not with the shield but with
the crest. I add the context :

Koafiov fi€V apSpo^ ovtvv av rpiaaifi iya>
ovS* iXKOTTOia yiyverat ra aijfiara. *
\6<f>0L Se Kd)8(ov T ov SaKVova avev Sopo^.
Koi vvKTa Tavrr)v fjv Xiyei<: iir acr7rtSo9, k,t,\.

and so follows the refutation of the emblematic boast. The
first two lines point to the whole description : the fourth, with
those that follow it, refer specially to the shield; it would
certainly be natural to refer the second to the helmet, more
especially as the phrase ov SaKvovat do not sting, is plainly
aimed at the comparison of Tydeus to the ZpaKoav —

fjLearjfi^pcval^ fcXa^yaXacv c&9 BpaKtov ^oa —

the serpent whose ' hairy mane terrific ' is celebrated by Milton,
following ancient fable with his usual preference of literary
colouring to natural fact, and is represented in the armour of
Tydeus by the \o^09 or Kpdvov^ p^a/reo/ia. If the harsh sound
of the KcoScov is not to be associated with this comparison, half
the point of Meokles^ retort is lost. Noticing this, if we go
back to the description, we see that it has a flaw. After the
words VTT a<77r/So9 in 385, the occurrence of eV atririhof; in 386
is not only poor in sound, but pointless in sense, for e;^6t 8'
v7rep<f>pov arjfia ToSe requires no explanation, and to give any
emphasis to the difference between iirl and vtto is rhythmically
impossible. To which it may be added, that if rw in 385
stands for TvSet, as it must, the pronoun, despite its prominent
place, is wholly superfluous; the sentence would have the
same meaning without it. I draw the conclusion that in the
true text rw stood not for TvBei, but for Kpdvu or Xo^^, and

Digitized by LjOOQIC

THE BELL AND THE TRUMPET. 79

that vTT aa-iriho^ is a patch to supply the place of some word
signifying 'attached to,' and governing the dative pronoun,
which in that case could not conveniently be omitted. Thus
the bells and the crest are alike decorations of the helmet and
the joint reference of Eteohles is justified. If a word has been
lost, the presumption is that it was lost through a repetition of
letters. Can we find a word which satisfies this condition for
the present case ? The passage just cited from the Rhesos,
which exhibits a minute imitation of the phrase K\d^ovav
k(oSq)P€^ <f>6fiov in the passage of Aeschylus before us, will
furnish the unique word which we want,

Topyoo S* CB9 CLTT alyiSo^ 0ea^
')(aXKri fjL€Ta)7roi9 ImnKoiai TrpSaSero^
TToWola-v avv K^Saxriv iiCTVirei, (f>6^ov.

Write in Aeschylus

irpoaSeroL Sk to3

and the origin of the MS. text is clear. The somewhat strange
looking TrpocrBeTot was robbed of its two last syllables A€TOI
by the repetition A€TOI or A6T0I, and the impossible
remnant was conjecturally replaced by vir dcirlho^. We may
compare the precisely similar corruption of another passage in
the play (Aesch. TheK 122) where the syllables required by the
metre after hidheroi, have been properly replaced by the
repetition of he roc.

Upon the facts respecting the kcoScov as above stated a
question arises which others may perhaps assist me to answer.
The dramatists represent the kw^wv as a savage and generally
as a non-Hellenic decoration. That it was not used by
Athenians of the fifth century is clear. Is there any evidence
that it was used by Greeks of an earlier period, or by
less civilised Greeks? Are the bells of Tydeus a piece of
genuine Greek antiquity, or an imaginary decoration attributed
to Greeks whose behaviour is barbarous ?

It has been already noticed that in its traditionally foreign
and Italian-Asiatic character the K<oh(ov is allied to the adXiriy^,
and it is significant that though the Euripides of the Frogs

Digitized by VjOOQIC

80 THE BELL AND THE TRUMPET.

does not, of course, make the blunder of separating from 'tb^
familiar tbings we use ' tbe instrument wbose note invited th^
families of Atbens to tbe dearest feast of tbe year — -

aKovere \€<jo . /cara ra Trdrpca roih; %ca9
iriveLV \yiro t^9 adXircyyo^ (Arist. Ach. 1001),

and wbose solemn and ' Cbtbonian ' sound preceded tbe reverend
meeting of tbe Areopagos, nevertheless we find be is not afraid
to sneer at tbe trumpet and tbe adkTrcyyoXoyxirTr'^vdSai, wbo
admired it ; and it seems certain tbat tbe trumpet, as a mili-
tary instrument, was at Atbens at all events not popular,
Nowbere I tbink is tbere a trace of tbat enthusiasm for tbe
trumpet-call which breaks out so often in modern poetry.
Tydeus is indeed likened to ' a horse tbat waits panting for the
sound of tbe trump,' but then we have already seen bow far
we are meant to sympathise with the feelings of Tydeus;
moreover tbe trumpet of tbe simile is probably not the trumpet
of battle, but that which started both horses and chariots in
tbe national games. Aeschylus, in bis immortal picture of
tbe nation's victory at Salamis, is careful to note tbat the
trumpet inflamed tbe ardour of ' the other side! — {Pers. 395).

a-dXirty^ S' dvTJj irdvT CKeiv^ i7re<f>\€y€V,

In Sophokles, the anxious Tehnessa reminds Aias, as be goes
out upon bis fatal errand, that this time it is not tbe trumpet
which calls him from her side (Ai, 291). Euripides in the
Phoenissae (1377), following the Seven against Thebes in treatment
as in theme, places tbe trumpet among tbe proud emblems of
an unholy war; it is tbe trumpet which in the Troades (1267)
is to apprise the Trojan captives that the final moment of
expatriation has arrived ; and twice in the Bhesos (144, 989) tbe
Trojan Hehtor names the trumpet as the signal of bis attempt,
so nearly successful, to bum tbe Greek ships and destroy their
hope of return, emphatically warning bis men not to neglect
it. In tbe Herakleidai (381) the 'Tyrrhene trumpet' is the
prelude to a scene so horrible that tbe narrator declines the
task of describing it and appeals to tbe imagination of bis
hearer. Certainly it is not without significance tbat the

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THE BELL AND THE TRUMPET.

dramatists of Athens direct the attention of their audience so
frequently to the birth-place of this barbarous instrument ; nor
are these traces of popular sentiment to be neglected, if we
would read the Athenian poets in their own spirit.^

A. W. Verrall.

^ The K(&9(»v is not mentioned
in Homer, though the mysterious
K<&d€ia of H 499 may perhaps be con-
nected with it. The afiXmy^ is men-
tioned twice. This evidence, in the
uncertainty which rests upon the date
and ori^ of any particular passage

in Homer, is scarcely sufficient for a
conclusion. Among the earliest refer-
ences to the war-trumpet, of which the
date is certain, must be Bacchylidea
Paean 9, pointed out to me by Mr.
J. A. Piatt

H.S. — VOL. V,

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82 HYGIEIA.

HYGIEIA.

A bas-relief of Pentelic marble found about twelve years
ago in Argolis portrays with much beauty the family of the
God of Medicine awaiting, in the presence of their father, the
approach of male and female suppliants.^ In the two youths
who form part of the group immediately behind Asklepios, it is
easy to recognise his sons Machaon and Podaleirios ; while the
three maidens near them must be his daughters Hygieia, laso
and Panakeia. One other female figure, who wears a veil and
stephane, and is of more stately aspect, would seem to be Epione,
the wife of Asklepios. Aegle and Akeso, who are also some-
times named as daughters of the god, are here omitted.^ Epione,
in spite of her intimate relations with Asklepios, appears to have
been chiefly honoured locally — at Epidaurus, and it is her eldest
daughter Hygieia who is really the most important member of
the Aesculapian family. The almost constant association of
Hygieia with her father brought her into the fullest prominence
as a medical divinity, though at the same time it, to a great
extent, prevented her from attaining to an independent exercise
of power. Most modem writers on Greek mythology and
religion have generally suflfered her to be absorbed, in the
greater and more interesting personality of her associate, and

^ O Lueders, Annali, vol. xlv. art, farther than the time of Hadrian

(1873), Tav. d*agg. M N, page 114 f. (see Joum. Hell. Stud. 1882, ' Teles-

2 The five sisters are mentioned in phoros.') It is perhaps worth while to

Suidas, 8. v.'hWi'i?; Pliny, N.H. XXXV. suggest that the wots in the PltUus

40, 31 and in an Athenian inscrip- (701) who attends Asklepios in his

tion published in the *Ad'fivcnotf, vi. p. midnight visit to the patients in the

143,No. 24, cf. Schol.Aristoph. PZt^t**, temple may be a prototype of Teles-

701. Telesphoros, the. companion of phoros ; unless indeed he is a mere

Asklepios and Hygieia, probably cannot invention of the poet,
be traced back, from existing works of

Digitized by LjOOQIC

HYGIEIA. 83

have often had but little to tell of Hygieia, except that she was
represented ' as a virgin dressed in a long robe, feeding a serpent
from a cup/ Though it is certainly unnecessary to relate in
connection with Hygieia details which may be just as well
related in connection with the more important divinity Asklepios,
there still seems room for a brief inquiry like the present, which,
by causing us to concentrate our attention rather upon the
Goddess of Health than upon the God of Medicine, may reveal
more clearly the position of the former in ancient art and
religion.

The only children of Asklepios mentioned in the Homeric
poems are Machaon and Podaleirios. Asklepios himself is not
yet a god in Homer; but legend soon began to busy itself about
him, and told of his mother Coronis and his father Apollo. It
required no great imaginative eflFort to assign to the God of
Medicine three daughters, bearing the names of 'Health,'^
* Healing ' and ' Panacea/ The name given to the eldest,
'TyUia (in the later writers and inscriptions generally 'Tyela),
probably conveyed to its hearers the notion of physical health,
though of course it might also have connoted healthy conditions
generally — vyUia (f>p€v&v (Aesch. Hum, 535) — 17 irepl ro c&fia
Kol irjv y^vxv^ vyUva (Isocr. 234 B.).^ Hygieia remained, so
far as we knoW,. the patron merely of bodily health, and differs
in this respect from the Roman Goddess Salus, who not only
protects the health of individual men, but has also a watchful
eye upon the conservation and general prosperity of the State
and its rulers. The first appearance of Hygieia in legend or
cultus cannot be determined with exactness ; but the inscriptions
and votive offerings discovered in the Asklepieion at Athens
prove that her worship, in conjunction with that of Asklepios,
was in full vigour in the fourth century before our era.* The

^ Hygieia was almost invariably con- ' For the employment of 'ryi€ta as

sidered to be the <2au^A^ of Asklepios; the name of an Athenian ship and,

see Pans. i. 23, 4 ; Suidas, s. v. *Hwi6vri ; occasionally, as a woman's name, see

Aristides (ed. Dindorf) i. 79 : Tlin. N. Benseler-Pape, Wdrterbuch, s.v. 'Tycfij,

H. mv. 40, 31 ; *A0iivatoy, vi. p. 148, &c.

No. 24 : exceptionally, in Orph. H. 66, * See P. Giiard, L'AscUpieion

7, she is called the wife of Asklepios, d*AMnes, passim. It is cnrious that

and in Proclus, ad Plat. Tim. iii 168 the author of the Pluiita makes no

is said to be the daughter of Eros and mention of Hygieia, especially as both

Peitho. laso and Panakeia are spoken of as

accompanying their father.

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84 HYGIEIA.

fact of Hygieia's position being so thoroughly established at that
period, as well as other considerations lead us to infer that the
goddess was known, and perhaps worshipped, in Greece at least
as early as the preceding century. We read that among the
statues made by the Argive artist Dionysios (B.C. 476—468),
and dedicated at Olympia by Smikythos, were Asklepios and
Hygieia ; * and Pausanias ^ tells us that he saw at Titane near
Sicyon an image of Hygieia of remarkably archaic form. The
name of Hygieia occurs (as well as that of Panakeia) in the
famous Hippocratic Oath, and there are extant various works of
fifth century art which, as we shall shortly see, may possibly be
claimed as representations of the Goddess of Health. But
whenever Hygieia may have first appeared, it would seem that
she owed her distinctive attributes, and almost her very being,
not to the Poets but to the Artists ; and it will be by discussing,
as far as possible in chronological order, the works of art
representing this goddess that we shall best learn what conception
was formed of her by the Greeks. Though the ancient writers
related more than one legend of Asklepios, they had nothing to
tell of his daughter : indeed, it is extremely rarely that we find
an allusion to Hygieia — apart from Asklepios — either in the
authors or in inscriptions; and it was reserved for our seventeenth-
century verse-writers, like the author of The Art' of Preserving
Health, to pay their poetical addresses to the Goddess Hygieia.
One ancient composition, however, a hymn or paean to Hygieia,
written probably by the poet Ariphron of Sicyon, has been
preserved for us by Athenaeus.^ Its subject-matter though
rather commonplace is not inelegantly treated, and we may
quote this short poem here, especially as it seems to have been
popular in antiquity. Lucian speaks of it as already well known
in his day, and as we also find it sculptured on stone* {drc,
A.D. 200) together with a hymn to Asklepios and a hymn to
Telesphoros, we may suppose that at some time or other it was

^ Murray, Hist, of Grk, Sculpt. L p. date is not certain) and Likymnios.

136 ; Overbeck, Qesch, griech. Plastik. Cf. Lucian, De lapsu inter sal, c. 6 ;

i. p. 107. Maxim. Tyr. xiii. 229.

' Pans. ii. 11, 6. * Kaibel, Epigrammatn Oraeca, No.

» Athen. xv. 702, A. See Bergk. 1027 = C, 1, O, No. 511, anda(W«ido,

Toet. Lyr. Or. (3rd ed.) pp. 1249-1250 p. 913.
and his remarks on Ariphon (whose

Digitized by LjOOQIC

HYGIEIA. 85

actually employed in the temple-service of the divinities of
Healing : —

'Tyieca, Trpecr/SioTa fiaKapoav, fierct cev valoifii, to Xeiirofievov

fitora^, (TV he fioi 7rp6<f>pa)v, avvocKO<; etiy?'

el yap Tt9 rj ttXovtov ^apt? fj rexewv,

fj Ta? laoSai/Movo<: dv0pa>7roi^ fiaa^tXrjtBo<; dpj(a^, ^ ir60<ov,

0^9 Kpv(f>ioc^ *A(f}poSlra<; dpKVtrtv 07}pevofiev,

rj el TL^ aKKa Oeodev avOptoiroiat ripy^t^i fj irovtov afiirvod

fierct a-eto, fidxaip* 'TyUia, [ir€<f}avrait

T€0a\e irdvra koX Xdfnrei, 'KaplTaav iap^,

aidev Se xoipl? 01/749 evhaljKov {€<f)v).

Another hymn, found at Athens in the Asklepieion, sculptured
on stone in letters of the Roman period, contains allusions to
Asklepios and his family, and especially mentions Hygieia * the
noble ' and ' the most delightsome/ ^

Our knowledge of the representation of Hygieia in art,
previous to the fourth century B.C., is rather limited. At the
head of such representations as are known to us must be placed
the uncouth image seen by Pausanias at Titane.^^ It corre-
sponded, he tells us, to one of Asklepios at the same place
which was completely draped in chiton and himation, with only
the face and the extremities of feet and hands exposed. The
statue of Hygieia was, when he saw it, entirely covered with
oflferings of pious women-worshippers whose gifts consisted of
votive locks of hair, and of what Pausanias terms eaOrjTo^
Ba/SvXcavla^ Te\afi&ve<;. The early fifth century Asklepios and
Hygieia made by Dionysios for dedication at Olympia, must
have been of a much less primitive character than the Titane
statues, and still more advanced in style must have been the
figures of Asklepios and Hygieia with which Kolotes, the
contemporary of Pheidias, decorated one side of the ivory table
made by him at Olympia (Murray, Sist. Gr. Sculpt, II. p. 137) :
but of these representations there is nothing known in detail, and
it is only when w^ come to the names of Polykleitos and Pheidias
that we perhaps obtain some glimpses of the artistic presentment
of the Goddess of Health. In the great theatre at Epidaurus,
that important centre of Aesculapian worship, there have been

* 'AO^yaiot^, vi. p. 143, No. 24. « Paus. ii. 11, 6.

Digitized by VjOOQIC

86 HYGIEIA.

discovered two marble figures, one male, the other female. Their
excavator, M. Kavvadias, sees in these figures Asklepios and
Hygieia, and is even inclined to recognise in the Hygieia a work
of the sculptor Polykleitos,^ who is known to have been the
architect of the theatre, though there is no actual record of his
having made agalmata of Asklepios and his daughter. Un-
happily, the head and the hands of the female figure are
missing. She wears a chiton with diploidion, mantle and
sandals. Kavvadias supposes that her hands held the serpent
and patera. Another production of the great period of Greek
art has also been declared to represent the God of Medicine and
his daughter, namely, the male and female figures who are
introduced, with a serpent placed between them, in the train of
Athene in the west pediment of the Parthenon. In this group,
in which the strong male and more delicate feminine forms are
pleasingly contrasted, the female figure places her right arm
round the neck of her companion, and seems to cling to
him for protection. Petersen and others have with good
reason seen in this pair divinities peculiarly connected with
Attic soil — Pandrosos, and her father Kekrops, for whom the
serpent would be appropriate; but Michaelis recognises in
them Hygieia and Asklepios. The intimate connection of
Asklepios and his daughter, and their joint worship — at least
in the fourth century — as important divinities on the southern
slope of the Athenian Akropolis render this interpretation
plausible, though not absolutely convincing. The objection that
the serpent is here on the ground and not, as is usually the
case, coiled round the staff of Asklepios, Michaelis answers
by remarking that the type of the God of Medicine had not
become rigidly fixed, as it subsequently became, especially
under the Roman Empire, when Asklepios is hardly ever to be
seen without the snake encircling his staff.2 We are still more or

* 'AHyatoy for 1881, pp. 69-67.— d. gHech. Plastik, i. p. 298 ; Michaelis,
AAX»r iir<Jx«Toj fipefila, fxcyaXoirpcir^i Der Parthenon^ p. 193, No. 2 ; Newton,
irapdaraaiSf apfiovia kcU avfifjLerpfa iv Brit. Mua. Guide to the Elgin Boom,
Ty o'Xf?/Aari(r/u4; rSiv aucrraTiKuv rrjs part i. p. 28 f. and Micliaelis*s review
fiopipris fAep&v, vdyra ravra rh. Karh, of the Guide in The Academy, for Oct.
rohs hpxoiovs yvwpUfxara ruv fyywv 1880, p. 280. For the Kekrops inter-
rov no\vK\flrov, 9uucpivovai rh iifi4r€pov pretation see esp. Petersen, Kunst des
tSprifjM. Kayyadias. PheidicLS, p. 182 and Murray, HisL

* On this group see Overbeck, Gesch, qf Gr, Sculpt, II., p. 88 and p. 94.

Digitized by LjOOQIC

HYQIEIA.

less in the region of uncertainties when we turn to numismatics
for some of the earlier examples of Hygieia. An interesting
didrachm of Priansus in Crete,^ probably of the end of the
fifth century B.C., represents a female figure wreathed, and
draped in chiton and mantle^ sitting on a throne overshadowed
by a palm-tree,* with her right hand placed upon the head of a
serpent which rises up from the ground beside her. At the
first glance 'Hygieia and her serpent' suggests itself as the
subject of this coin-device. But though the serpent is a constant
companion of Hygieia, not all serpents are Hygieian, and we
must beware, as Stephani has remarked, lest we mistake some
chthonic or other divinity for the veritable Goddess of Health.'
Though it is possible that the figure in question may be Hygieia,
whose father was worshipped not far fix)m Priansus, at Leben, it
is much safer to adopt the interpretation proposed both by
M. Fran9ois Lenormant and Prof. Gardner, who have seen in
the coin a representation of Persephone and of Zeus who visited
the goddess under the form of a serpent, when he became by
her the mother of the Cretan Zagreus. The same myth should
also, no doubt, be employed to interpret the analogous type of
a silver coin of the Sicilian town Selinus* — a draped female
figure seated on a rock and resting one hand on the neck of a
bearded snake, which advances towards her. In connection with
these coins Mr. Gardner has mentioned a relief in the British
Museum, of rude, though perhaps not of very late, style, brought

— Benl^ and Stark proposed to name
two figures among the divinities of the
central portion of the Parthenon East
Frieze, Hygieia and Asklepios, but
these figures have been more correctly
denominated by most recent archae-
ologists, Athene and Hephaistos : see
Newton, Guide, pp. 66-67 and Flasch,
Zum PartJienonfries, pp. 17-18.

^ See Gardner, Types of Greek Coint,
PL ix. 5, page 162; Lenormant, Gazette
AreJUol. 1879, p. 24 ; Wroth, Cretan
Coins, p. 66 ( = Num. Chron, 1884, p.
66) ; cf. a gem in Overbeck, Griecfu
KuTMtmythologie, Bd. iii. Gemmentafel,
iv. 9, called by him Demeter, ib, p.
607.

The palm-tree is not merely an

ornamental accessory, for it appears by
itself as the type of other coins of
Priansus, and must have had some
local religious significance.

• Compte rendu (St. Petersburg),
1860, p. 102. 'Die Statuen sitzender
Frauen mit Schlangen, die man ge-
wbhnlich auf Hygieia bezieht, stellen
ohne Zweifel wenigstens zum Theil,.
wie das ihnen verliehene FuUhom
beweist, vielmehr Ge da. Vergleiche
Clarac, Mus. de Sculpt. PI. 654, 1166 ;
657, 1186; 658, 1186, A. B. c. und
eine ahuliche Statue in der Kaiser-
lichen Ermitage.'

* Brit. Mus. Cat. Grk. Coins, Sicily,
page 142, No. 39 ; cf. Nos. 40-43 ;
Gardner, Types, p. 162.

Digitized by VjOOQIC

88 HYQIEIA.

by Lord Elgin from Greece. It represents a woman seated,
draped in chiton and peplos, and having on her head a modius
and a veil formed by the upper part of the peplos. In her left
hand she holds an ivy-leaf — probably intended for a fan — and
in her right a patera from which a serpent which appears to rest
upon her shoulder is preparing to feed. Mr. Gardner suggests
that here also we have a chthonic divinity, such as Persephone,
rather than Hygieia. This is quite possible, and the modius
and veil are certainly not usually worn by the Goddess of Health.
She does, however, — at least once — appear in company with
Telesphoros, on a coin of Hierapolis,^ wearing the modius ; and
I think we should discriminate between the action of the female
figure on the relief and the action of the figure on the coins of
Priansus and Selinus. On the coins — where the Persephone
and Zeus interpretation well applies — she is welcoming or
fondling the serpent ; on the relief, she is engaged in feeding
the serpent from a patera, an action distinctly characteristic of
Hygieia.2 In the collection at Petworth House there is a Greek
relief, coarsely executed, with a very similar subject. A veiled
female figure, seated, holds a cup, up to which a serpent rears
its coils. Behind her stands a female attendant or suppliant
also holding out a cup; on the right of the relief is an
altar.^

On reaching the fourth century B.C., we find the monuments
of Hygieia becoming much more abundant and more readily
identifiable. A series of votive reliefs from the Athenian
Asklepieion, which on account of their fine style cannot be
much later than the latter part of the fourth century, shows us
how the Goddess of Health was at that period represented, at
any rate in Attica. Four good specimens of these have been
published and engraved by Von Dubn in the MiWieilungen of
the German Archaeological Institute at Athens (II. pp. 214—
222; Plates xiv. — xvii.). These representations of Hygieia,
which recall the grace and dignity of the maidens of the
Parthenon Frieze, show the goddess affectionately associated

1 Waddington, Voy. num. en As, xxxviii. ; pp. 174, 175 : cf. Wieseler-

Min, PI. iv. No. 18 ; Mionnet, torn. iv. Miiller, Denkmdler, No. 784 ; Gardner,

p. 305, No. 634. Types, page 162.

* For this relief see Descript, of ' Michaelis, Ane, Marh, in G, BrU,

Anc, Marb, in BrU. ifiis, part ix. PI. page 604, No. 13.

Digitized by LjOOQIC

HYGIEIA. 89

with her father and her sisters. On the relief reproduced in
Von Duhn's Plate xiv. Hygieia, wearing chiton and -mantle,
places her left hand on her father s shoulder, and looks with
mild aspect upon an approaching suppliant. Her right hand,
which is lowered, holds an oenochoe. Behind her is one of her
sisters — laso or Panakeia — who clasps her arm. Another relief
(Von Duhn, PI. xv.) represents a similar scene. Asklepios and
two of his daughters are in their temple, an altar placed before
them. Immediately behind the god is Hygieia wearing a chiton,
and gathering about her with both hands the folds of an ample
mantle. Behind her is laso or Panakeia, placing one hand
upon her shoulder. Another temple-scene (Von Duhn, PI. xvi.)
reveals a company of men and women with their children,
bringing oflferings to the divinities of medicine. Asklepios is
seated and Hygieia is standing beside the god, resting one hand
on the trunk of a snake-encircled tree. A fourth relief (Von
Duhn, PI. xvii.) shows Asklepios seated and Hygieia standing
near him, stretching out her right hand to bless or welcome a
suppliant who approaches to sacrifice at the altar.^ With these
reliefs from the Asklepieion must be classed one of fine style
found in 1785, appaiently on the Athenian Akropolis, and now
at Brocklesby Hall, Lincolnshire. Two divinities, apparently
Hygieia and her father, are receiving the adoration of wor-
shippers ; the goddess is veiled and holds in one hand a vase,
lowered.^ It will be observed that on these reliefs the type of
Hygieia is somewhat varied,* and that she is not represented
with her distinctive attributes — the meaning of which I will
touch on below — the serpent and the patera. The only attribute
which at all indicates her functions is the vase or oenochoe.*

^ On these reliefs see Von Duhn, 1845, p. 240 (Zeus and Europa) ;

loc, cit, ; Girard in Bull de Vorr. helL Kekul^, HebCf p. 47 (Zeus and Hebe) ;

ii pp. 65-95 (* Ex-voto k Esculape Overbeck, Kunstmythologie, ii p. 576,

trouv^ sur la pente m^ridionale de note 110.

TAcropole ') ; cp. ih. i. pp. 156-169, ' Von Duhn points out that on the

and Girard's L^AscUpieion d'AMnes, earlier Athenian reliefs— those belong-

p. 101, Jf. ing to the best period— Hygieia has a

2 See Michaelis, Arte. Marb, in Or, more youthful and maiden-like appear-

Brit, Brocklesby Hall, No. 10, who is ance than on the later examples,

no doubt correct in describing the * The oenochoe occurs on the Gortys

divinities as Asklepios and Hygieia, relief, referred to below on page 90,

though other names have been pro- note 3. Compare also an Athenian

posed ; cf. Lebas, Annali delV Inst, relief of Asklepios and Hygieia in the

Digitized by VjOOQIC

H^GIEIA.

It is to be remarked, however, that these reliefs are, after all,
probably only the productions of the ordinary stone-cutter, and
that they are perhaps to a great extent local. There were other
sculptors not of this lowly reputation who were at work upon
statues of Hygieia in the early part of the fourth century B.C.,
and who probably created or perfected a distinct Hygieian type.
One of these artists was Skopas, who, probably during the period
B.C. 394-377, made temple-statues of Asklepios and Hygieia at
Gortys in Arcadia, and also at Tegea.^ His contemporaries,
Bryaxis and Damophon, were also engaged upon statues of
Hygieia ; ^ and it was probably during this century that many
of those agalmata of Asklepios and Hygieia which Pausanias saw
in various Greek temples also first came into being. As to the
style and attitude of these fourth century statues we have little
or no detailed information. We know, however, that the agalma
of Asklepios made by Skopas for Gortys presented the god in
the very unusual form of a beardless figure, and Skopas's Gorty-
nian Hygieia may likewise have been a type of marked
originality.^ Perhaps the invention of the serpent and patera
motive was due to him ; * or he at least may have brought that
motive so prominently Torward that it was henceforward generally
accepted as the type proper for representations of the (Joddess
of Health. The feeding of the serpent would have been by no
means unsusceptible of graceful treatment in the hands of a
master, though to us it seems somewhat lanal, on account of

Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge, of
tolerable style though, rather coarsely
executed (Michaelis, Anc. Marh. in.
G, B. Cambridge, Fitz. Mus. No. 16),
on which the goddess holds in her
lowered right hand a cup ; there being
no sign of the presence of the ser-
pent.

^ Overbeck, Oriech, Plastik. ii.
p, 11.

« Overbeck, op. eit. ii. 68 ; ii 142.

' A relief from Gortys in Crete repre-
sents a bearded male figure seated, a
female figure in chiton, mantle and
veil, holding an oenochoe, and a youth
in a chlamys, who have been called by
E. Curtius {Arch. ZeUung, 1852, p.
418 f. and PI. 38, 1) Zeus, Hygieia and

Asklepios, youthful. He supposes that
the last-named figure may recall the
youthful Asklepios of Skopas made for
the Arcadian Gortys. Overbeck, how-
ever (Oriech. Plastik, note 10 to Book
4 ; cf. his Ku7istmythol. ii. page 169 f.),
names the female figure Hebe, and he
certainly seems justified in refusing to
call the young male figure, Asklepios
(cp. Jowm. Hell. Stud. vol. iv. p. 46^,
* A statue of the youthful Asklepios ').
If, however, an Aesculapian interpreta-
tion is to be applied to this relief, the
three figures may fairly be named
Asklepios (bearded), Hygieia with
oenochoe) and her brother Machaon.

^ See, however, above, page 86 on the
' Polykleitos ' Hygieia.

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HYGIEIA. 91

its perpetual recurrence on works of inferior art, such as the
Greek Imperial coins. Though we may reasonably conjecture
that this type came into existence at least as early as the fourth
century B.C., we cannot perhaps point with confidence to any
extant monuments which embody it before the third century B.C.
A copper coin of Rhegium, of tolerable style, belonging probably
to the latter part of the third century, shows on its reverse a
standing figure of Hygieia in chiton and mantle, holding in her
right hand a patera» and with her other hand keeping back the
folds of her mantle ; a serpent, which we may suppose to be sup-
ported on her shoulder, is feeding from the patera.^ A similar
type occurs on one of the Athenian Tetradrachms of the latest
period, drc, B.C. 146-86.* The goddess is clad in talaric chiton
with diplois ; the serpent feeding from her patera is supported
on her shoulder. Certain copper coins of Epidaurus,* probably
belonging to the third century B.C., must also be here adduced.
On the reverse of these a female figure is seen standing, holding
in one hand a patera, while her other seems to be occupied in
placing some object (perhaps a drug) in the patera or in with-
drawing something from it. Behind her, in the field of the coin,
is the ai/cifa or cupping-vessel. Epione has been suggested as
a name for this figure, as it is known that she had an agalma
at Epidaurus.* It may, however, be simply intended for
Hygieia.

But it is time to say something respecting the signification of
the serpent and patera as attributes of the Goddess of Health.
We need not indeed linger long over the pious explanation
given by an antiquary of the last century : * Pateram indicare

^ Cftt. Grk. CoinH in Brit. Mns. an integral part of the type, and the
itoZy, p. 383, No. 100 ; cf. Nos. 113- head, which has a youthful appearance
115. The coin seems to be assigned to not very suitable to Demeter, is there-
to© early a period in the catalogue. I fore probably Hygieia. Cf. the hecU
may remark that representations of 'with head of Asklepios, before which
Hygieia are rare on coins till Imperial is a serpent {Num, Chron. 8rd ser. vol.
times. Mention should perhaps be ii. PI. i. Ko. i.).
made of one of the Asiatic electrum ^ Engraved, Bcul^, Monn. cCAthrSnes,
hectae (fourth oent. b.o.) obv. : — Head p. 259 ; a specimen is in Brit. Mus.
of Apollo, r. laureate ; rev. Female » Brit. Mus. Coll. P. Lampros,
head, r. with hair in sphendone ; Kofilfffiara rris yhtrov 'Afioftyov (Athens,
behind the head, serpent : the whole 1870) Plate, Fig. 28.
in linear frame. Wt. forty-five grains. * Pans, ii 27, 5 ; 29, 1.
Brit Mus. Coll. The serpent seems

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92 HYGTEIA.

reltgione quaerendam esse salutem'; nor need we pay much
attention to the common theory, according to which the Cxoddess
of Health is engaged in nourishing the serpent as a symbol of
health and of vigour perpetually renewed. We are more likely
to seize the true meaning of this feeding of the serpent if we
regard it not as a mere piece of more or less frigid symbolism,
but as a manifestation of some actual religious ceremony con-
nected with the goddess. Adopting, therefore, for Hygieia the
explanation formerly given by C. A. Bottiger ^ of Salus we may
consider her to be engaged in an act of serpent-divination (t&v
SpaKovTCDv rj fiavTiKi]), and to be taking an omen as to the fiiture
health of her suppliants from the manner in which the serpent
receives the nourishment offered him. Certain rites described
by AeUan are evidence that divination of this kind was not un-
known in classical antiquity. There was at Lanuvium a grove
to which the virgins of Latium were annually conducted, in
order that their claims to chastity might be submitted to what
we may call the Ordeal by Serpent. If the serpent accepted
the food brought him by the maidens, their purity was regarded
as established, and also a fertile season was expected :

* Clamantque agricolae, " Fertilis annus erit." ' ^

In Epirus, likewise, there was a grove in which sacred serpents
were kept, and to which on the great festival of the year a
virgin priestess repaired holding in her hand the fieiXiyfiara.
If the serpents ate the food readily a fruitful and healthy year —
€To<i avoaov — was to be confidently looked for, but their refusal
to eat was a sign of impending misfortune,^ It is generally

^ KleiTie Schri/ten, 1837, vol. ii. ing a woman — ^probably Medea — ^hold-

p. 128. ing out a patera to a serpent coiled

' Aelian, De nat. anhnal. xi. 16; round a tree, on which is the Fleece,

Propertius, EUg, lib. iv. carm. 8. simple feeding and not omen-taking is

' Aelian, De nat, anim. xi. 2. perhaps intended. (Cf. the seated

Though omen-taking seems to be the Pallas holding patera to serpent coiled

action in which Hygieia is engaged, round tree on a coin of Nicaea (Bithy-

I do not wish to contend that every niae), Mion. t. ii. p. 455, No. 240 ;

female figure in ancient art who is Panofka, Asklepios, PI. v. Fig. 8, and

represented extending a patera to a similar figures.) The feeding of a

serpent is necessarily performing the serpent on Sepulchral Monuments also

same function. For instance, on the calls for a special interpretation of its

relief in the British Museum (Ellis, own.
Townley Gallery, i. p. 133) represent-

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HYGIEIA. 93

said that Hygieia — as represented on coins and other monuments
— is offering some kind of drink to her serpent. Though as a
rule the artist gives no clue as to the contents of the patera, I
believe that the goddess is supposed to be presenting to the
serpent refreshment of a more substantial kind. The Lanuvian
serpent was invited to give his omen from a barley cake (jid^a),
and we not unfrequently find in the case of Hygieia's serpent
that he is feeding from some cone-like object which is placed
upon the patera, or, when the patera is not represented, held in
the hand of the goddess. Instances of this occur on the Greek
Imperial coins of several cities. For example, at Las^ in
Laconia, and Euippe ^ in Caria, the goddess holds a patera with
the object in question upon it. On a coin of Aezanis ^ (Phrygia),
Hygieia (or, perhaps, the Empress Sabina as Hygieia) feeds the
serpent from a patera on which are two of these objects. On a
V7eU-known Pompeian painting * a woman — whether Hygieia or
a priestess — feeds the serpent which is entwined round her body
from a plate on which are various fruits, and in the centre one
of conical form. In a group of Asklepios and Hygieia, on a
Corinthian coin of Lucius Verus,^ the goddess holds the conical
object in her hand, without a patera, as she does also on a
Roman medallion of M. Aurelius,^ on a well-known ivory
diptych, now in the Mayer Collection at Liverpool,^ and on
other monuments. This object, which we thus find to occur not
unfrequently as the food of Hygieia's serpent^ has sometimes
been called by archaeologists an egg, sometimes a fruit. It
resembles a pine-cone, a fruit which a serpent could hardly
eat, though it is met with in connection with the God of
Medicine, and appears to have been regarded in antiquity
as possessing some healing or life-giving properties. A statue
at Sicyon, representing, according to Pausanias,^ the God of
Medicine as a youth, held in one hand a pine-cone — irirvo^
Kapirbv T^9 rifUpov ; and a late votive-relief from the Asklepieion

^ M. Caracalla. Brit. Mus. Coll. ^ Froehner, Les Midaillons rom.

3 uE. Lucilla. Brit. Mus. Coll. p. 86, Fig. 2.

' M. Sabina. Brit. Mus. Coll. ' "Wieseler-Muller, DenkmaleTf No.

* Wieseler-Miiller, Denkmdler, No. 792& ; Maskell, Ivories, p. 21.

782 ; 0. Jahn, Archdol. Beitrdge, pp. ^ Paus. ii. 10, 3. Cf. Lenormant,

221-224 ; Gell, Fompeiana, vol. ii. PI. Les OrigiTies de VHist. d^wprU la Bible

Ixviii. (2n(i ed.) p. 84 (note) ; K. Koch, Die

^ M, Brit. Mus. Coll. Baumen de-s aU, GriecJienlands, p. 32.

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94 HYGIEIA.

at Athens, with a dedication to Asklepios and Hygieia, has as its
subject the snake-encircled staflf with two large fruits on one side
of it, and two pine-cones on the other.^ The pine-cone also enters
as an ingredient into one of the curious prescriptions ordered
by the God of Medicine for a patient who probably frequented
his temple on the Tiber Island at Rome.^

Before proceeding to notice the extant monuments of Hygieia
which belong to Hellenistic or "Roman times, we should say
something of certain exceptional representations of a Hygieia
who is apparently to be considered as distinct from the well-
known goddess, daughter of Asklepios. A silver coin of Meta-
pontum in Italy, of the fourth century B.C., bears on its obverse
a head of rather girlish appearance, bound with a double fillet
and adorned with earring and necklace ; it is accompanied by
its name HYflEIA (^Tyleta),^ The appearance on the Meta-
pontine coinage of other female heads with descriptive legends,
such as ho MONO I A (Ofiopoia) and NIK A inclines us to
consider the Hygieia here pourtrayed as an allegorical personage
rather than a goddess actually honoured with worship. * Hygieia'
also appears as the name* of a female figure on at least three
extant vases, assignable to the fourth century B.C. It is well
known that Aesculapian subjects proper are not to be found
among the vase paintings, and the vases on which this Hygieia
occurs — such as the Meidias vase and the Ruvo Aryballos — are
of exceptional character, distinguished by their delicate but some-
what mannered treatment of subjects lying outside the usual
range of ceramographic composition. To vases of this class (as
De Witte has well remarked) it is necessary to apply an inter-
pretation which in other cases would seem fanciful; for the
names which are inscribed nes|^ each of the personages repre-
sented prove that we are in the region of allegoi^ : even when
figures like Aphrodite and Hygieia are introduced, bearing
names well known in the current mythology and religion of
the Greeks, they are freely employed in an allegorical sense,
and without regard to hieratic tradition. On the Ruvo vase *

1 *kB^\vouov, vol. V. p. 318 ; C I. A. * Cat. of Ork. Vases in Brit. Mus.

No. 181a ; Sybel, Katalog der Sculp- vol. ii. No. 1263 ; Lenormant and De

turen zu Athen, No. 4092. "Witte in Revue Archiol. 1846, p. 550/1

* C, 7. G. No. 5980, line 18. and their M(m. Oram, ii. p. 61 ; iv.

» Brit. Mus. Cat. Grk. Coins, Italy, PI. Ixxxiv.
p. 242, No. 62 ; cf. Nos. 63, 64, 65.

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HYGIEIA. 95

we have, according to the interpretation of Minervini as de-
veloped by Charles Lenormant and De Witte, a scene in Elysium
where a mortal youth, just deceased, but henceforth under the
name Polyetes to live in immortal happiness, is being received
by Eudaimonia, Pandaisia and Eros — allegorical personages who
may be supposed to correspond to the koXoX iXiriBe^ of the
Eleusinian Epoptae. Behind Pandaisia stands Hygieia. Her
hair is bound with an ornamented sphendone, and she wears a
transparent chiton and an embroidered peplos, one side of which
she holds up with her hand, towards her face, bending her head
forward at the same time. Above her is written her name
YflEIA. The melancholy attitude of this figure seems, at
first sight, but ill-suited to * Health * : — ' mais un jour viendra
oh Hygie s^chera ses larmes : elle usera du pouvoir qu elle
partage avec Esculape, de resusciter les morts/ Or, as
M. Francois Lenormant^ rather more neatly interprets this
enigmatical vase, we have here the contest of two rival goddesses
— 'Happiness,' the goddess of the abode of the dead, who
welcomes her new spouse Polyetes, and * Health,' the goddess of
terrestrial life, who ' expresses by her attitude and her gesture
the grief which she feels at being separated from her lover/
One of the scenes on the Meidias vase * is the Garden of the
Hesperides. Here, grouped near the Tree, are Lipara, Chryso-
themis and Asterop^, daughters of Atlas, and to the left of
them, seated on a rock, is the unexpected figure of * Health ' —
YflEA. Her hair flows in ringlets and is bound over the
forehead with a radiated ampyx ; with one hand she draws
forward over her shoulder the comer of an upper garment
which she wears, with the other she holds a sceptre : she looks
towards the central scene, while a youthful hunter, Klytios,
extends his hand towards her. Aristides ^ in his oration on the
Asclepiadae speaks of Machaon and Podaleirios as having been
brought up by their father in gardens of Hygieia — Tp€(f>€c 6
Trarrfp iv 'Tyc€ia<; ktjttoc^ ; though we cannot feel sure that he is
alluding to any such scene as that depicted upon our Meidias
vase. The fragment of a vase found at Kertch offers us a third

^ Contemporary Review fYo\, zxxviii. 303 ; Cat, of Grk, Vases in Brit. Mus.

pp. 431, 432. vol. ii. No. 1264.

2 Gerhard, AbhaTidl. d. h, AJcad, d. ' Aristid. opera (ed> Dindorf.), vol.

Wissenschafteuy Berlin, 1839, pp. 295- i. p. 73.

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96 HYGIEIA.

representation of Hygieia. Little unfortunately remains, except
the seated female figure with her name YflEIA and certain
indications of the presence of another person who must have
been Hermes.^

Besides touching on this more or less allegorical Hygieia, we
ought — in a paper on the Goddess of Health — to make some
mention of Athene Hygieia. Most of the principal Greek
divinities included the art of healing among their powers, but
Athene — especially in Attica — assumed a distinct name to
emphasise her medical functions. The original relations of
Athene Hygieia, and Hygieia the daughter of Asklepios, are
unknown to us, but perhaps they were goddesses inde-
pendent of one another. According to the well-known
story of Plutarch (FericL 13), Perikles caused a statue to be
erected on the Akropolis to Athene Hygieia, because she had
revealed to him a remedy for the injuries of one of his slaves :
when this dedication was made, the Athenians were already in
possession of an altar of this goddess, situated on the Akropolis.^
The basis of the statue of Athene Hygieia was found in 1839
in situ close to one of the columns of the Propylaea, and is
inscribed ^A0r]vacoi, t^ 'AOrjvaia t^ ^Tyieia* Hvppo^ iirolrjaev
*A07jvaco^,^ The presence of a hole in this basis, and a
consideration of the types of certain other extant statues of
Athene have led Michaelis to conjecture that this Athena Hygieia
of the Akropolis held in one hand a spear upright and in the
other some object indicative of her medical rdle — such as the
patera.* The restoration of the type of this goddess must
however be considered as conjectural, and it has been doubted
by R. Bohn ^ whether the hole in the basis, in which, according
to Michaelis, the spear of the goddess rested, was made in
antiquity and for this purpose.^ The Athene Paionia mentioned

1 Compte rendu (St. Petersburg), Aufs. i. 185/; Murray, ffist, of Ork,
1869, p. 11 ; 1870-71, p. 202 and the Smlp. ii. p. 282.

atlas for 1870-71, PI. vi. No. 7. * Michaelis, he, p. 284/".

2 Plut. Pericl. iii. ; Aristid. ii p. ^ l,c.

25c. ; Michaelis, MiUhcil. d, D. arch, • On Athene Hygieia see further,

Inst. i. p. 293 ; Bohn, Mittheil, d. B, Panofka, 'DieHeilgotterderGriechen,'

arch. Inst. v. p. 331/. Cf. the article in AbhandluTigen, d. k. Akad. d. Wias.

* Athen * in Baumeister's DenJcmaler, Berlin, 1843, p. 295/ ; Flasch in

page 204, col. 2. Annali, 1873, 'Statua d'Igia nel

^ C. /. A. No. 335 ; Ross, Arch, Belvedere del Museo Vatican©.* The

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HYGIEIA. 97

by Pausanias as having an image in the House of Polytion at
Athens (i. 2, 4), and as being united on the great altar of the
Amphiareion at Oropus with Aphrodite, Hygieia, Panakeia and
laso (Paus. i. 34, 3), can hardly have differed from the better
known Athene Hygieia.^ It should be added that a bas-relief
found in Rome (Bullettino, 1872, p. 228) represents Athene in
the company of Hygieia who holds her usual serpent and
patera.

Of the representations of Hygieia belonging to later Greek
and to Roman times, the most abundant are those upon coins.
The copper money issued by Greek cities under the Empire
shows that the worship of the Goddess of Health became every-
where familiar both in Greece and Asia, though we need not
suppose that her frequent presence on the coins, dissociated
from Asklepios, points to any special worship of her, apart from
her father. The Hygieia types begin as a rule to appear on the
coins, just as do those of Asklepios, about the time of Hadrian,
and become very plentiful under the Antonines and under
Septimius Severus and his family, continuing to occur with
greater or less frequency till the time of Gallienus. The repre-
sentation varies but little. We often find the familiar group of
father and daughter — Asklepios standing on the right of the
coin, and his daughter on the left, turned towards him, as if
conversing, and feeding her serpent from the patera. The
representation of Hygieia, alone, which is also very common,
seems to be an abbreviation of this group : the goddess, though
deprived of her companion, looks towards the right and feeds
her serpent as usual. Her dress is sometimes the chiton and
mantle, sometimes the chiton with diplois. She commonly holds
in one hand the serpent, in the other a patera, though some-
times, as has been already observed, a pine-cone is held instead
of the patera.^ From the Greek Imperial coins with types

head of this statue, which does not ^ Of Athene Hygieia there was an

belong to its present body, has a altar in the deme of Acharnae, Paus. i.

Stephanos adorned with gorgoneion 31, 6.

sjid two serpents. Flasch thinks it ^ Imperial copper coins of Irenopolis

may be the- head of a statue of Athene in Cilicia, under Domitian and Trajan

Hygieia ; C. L A, ii. 168 (Athenian (Brit. Mus.) show Hygieia holding a

sacrifice to Ath. Hyg.) ; Harpocration, branch as well as the serpent and

*tyiela 'ABrji/a. patera (cf. the Pompeian painting

referred to above, p. 93).

H.S. — VOL. V. H

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98 HYGIEIA.

relatiug to Hygieia we pass naturally to the engraved gems —
mostly of Roman times — which bear representations of the
Goddess of Health. Here again we find the same group of
Hygieia and Asklepios, or Hygieia, alone, with her usual
attributes.^ Some varieties of no great importance occur, such
as where Hygieia stands near a tripod (Toelken, No. 1203), as
she does also on the Liverpool Ivory (Wieseler-MtQler, Denkni.
No. 792 b). One unpublished intaglio, a sard in the British
Museum, from the Blacas Collection, presents however a type of
some novelty and interest, and is reproduced in this article,
enlarged to twice the diameter of the original. It represents

two female figures standing, draped in chiton and mantle. One
of them holds a snake-encircled staflf, and turns back her head to
her companion, placing her arm on her shoulder. In the Blacas
manuscript Catalogue (No. 267) these figures are called 'Nemesis
and Hygieia ' : the serpent-staflf is a very unusual attribute for
Hygieia, but she is no doubt the goddess here intended to be
represented. The name Nemesis is quite arbitrary, and it is more
natural to sea in Hygieia's companion one of her sisters laso or
Panakeia. Though this gem need not necessarily be of pre-
Roman work, its style is decidedly pleasing, and the grouping

^ Toelken, Erklarendes Verzeichniss 1722, and a similar gem in Brit. Mns.

dcr ant, vertieft. geschnit. Ste.ine from Blacas Coll. On the sard en-

(Berlin)Nos. 1200 — 1208 ; Chabouillet, graved in King, Handbook of Engraved

Catalogue des camies et pierres gravies Gems, p. 367, No. 42, Hygieia feeds

de la Bihlioth^ue Nationale, p. 233, the serpent from a cone held in her

.No. 1720 intaglio of Nemesis with hand: see also Tassie-Raspe and other

serpent and patera of Hygieia, cf. No. sources.

Digitized by LjOOQIC

HYGIEIA. 99

to some extent recalls those representations of Hygieia with her
sisters and father which occur on the Athenian reliefs of the
fourth century (see above, p. 89).^

From the extant statues of Hygieia it is extremely difficult to
recover any of the plastic types of the goddess which prevailed
in the fine period of Greek art. Though well-nigh every
European Museum, whether public or private, can boast its
' Hygieia ' or its ' Salus/ there are few divinities whose statues
have suffered so much at the hands of the restorer, who to
produce a Hygieia seems to have demanded nothing but a female
torso to which he might affix a head, a serpent and a patera.
Under these circumstances a detailed examination of the extant
Hygieias is a task of small profit, and I confine to a note some
references to various statues which seem for any reason note-
worthy.^ We must, however, here refer to one of the most
remarkable of the extant statues, the beautiful figure in the
Hope Collection at Deepdene, found at Ostia in 1797.' This
figure wears a long chiton and an ample mantle which is thrown
back over the left shoulder. Her head is lowered, and the hair
is bound with a kind of kerchief (mkkos) — an unusual head-dress
for this goddess. A large serpent coils itself round her left
shoulder and over her breast to the right fore-arm. The left hand,
the right fore-arm with the cup and other partfoTfesalmMrtance
are restorations. It seems certain that the tead is antique^and
really belongs to the statue, though the contriBjiy was i^ted^to
be the case by Clarac. The marble appears to M^diaelis to pe
Italian rather than Pentelic. Of thiai status thejce is ^ repUpa

1 This gem is set in a ring : it has 2nd eA franc. 1879, lu 218, Npf 174 ;
unfortunately been broken in two, and ste others in Olarac, mpN 01* less
and has not been joined with perfect restored ; Flasch in Annali, xlt. 1873,
exactness. ' Statua d'Igia nel Belyedere del Museo

2 Michaelis, Anc Marl, in Gt, Brit, Vaticano * ; cf. BullettiiM, 1872, pp.
especially * Broadlands,* No. 14 ( = 11, 12, and 134; 'AHvaiov, 1882, p.
Clarac, iv. 557, 1181); 'Oxford, Uni- 54^. (Epidaurian statues, Boman) ;
versity Galleries,* No. 80 ( = Clarac, marble pedestal inscribed Sc/Satm}
V. 978 D, 2524 i) and the * Deepdene * Tyeia, Dyer, Aiicient Athens, p. 380
(Hope) and Lowther Castle Hygieias ; (of. Pans. i. 23). Brit. Mus. Guide to
Clarac, PI. 546, 1151 B and text iv. Graeco-Romdn Sculptures, pt. ii. (1876)
pp. 5, 6 (group of Asklepios and p. 9, No. 17, &c.

Hygieia, a good deal restored, cf. ' Michaelis, Anc, Marb. in Gt, Brit,

Bullettino, 1870, page 86 ; Olarac, PL * Deepdene,' No. 7 ; Wieseler-Miiller,

556, 1174, text, iv. p. 17 = Brunn, DenJc7n. ii. 61, 780; Clarac, i^. 555,

Descript, de la GlyptotlUque (Munich), 1178.

Digitized by VjOOQIC

100 HYGIEIA.

at Lansdowne House, Loridon,^ but it is inferior both in size
and execution. The extant statues do not seem to present any
very important varieties in the type and attributes of the
Goddess of Health, though we should notice an unusual com-
bination in the collection at Lowther Castle,^ in which Hygieia
holds on her left arm a winged boy who is doubtless Eros.^
The goddess herself wears a close-fitting chiton and a mantle,
'The expression of the face is amiable, the hair in maidenly
fashion tied together on the crown, while tresses fall down on
the shoulders. A snake, of which the greater part is antique,
curls itself round the lowered right arm.'

In conclusion, a few words may here be said upon the
Roman goddess Salus in order to give greater completeness to
our sketch of Hygieia. Salus, in spite of her resemblance to
the Greek Goddess of Health, always maintained her own person-
ality tolerably distinct. As the patroness of material prosperity,
as the upholder of the Roman State and protectress of the
sacred person of the Emperor, she had, as we have previously
remarked, nothing in common with Hygieia ; and though the
Romans under the Empire were familiar enough with the
Hygieia who everywhere appeared on the coins of the Greek
cities, they reserved for Salus certain attributes of her own,
and generally, though not invariably kept her representations
distinct from those of the Greek Goddess.* A temple to the Salus
Publica or Romana was, according to Livy, vowed in the year
B.C. 307 by the censor C. Junius Bubulcus, on the Quirinal Hill.^
When Aesculapius was introduced into Rome from Epidaurus at
the beginning of the third century B.C. we do not know that the
Goddess Hygieia accompanied him ; but if she did she would
have found the Romans already acquainted with goddesses of
medicine — such as the old divinity Meditrina — while she would
have been unable to set herself up as a rival to Salus in the non-
medical functions of that goddess. In B.C. 180, at the time of
a pestilence, we find the Sibylline books commanding the

1 Michaelis, op, eii, * Lansdowne * The serpent of Salus seems, how-
House,* No. 10. ever, borrowed from the Greek repre-

* Michaelis, op, eit, * Lowther Castle,* sentations of Hygieia.

No. 4. ' See Marquardt and Mommsen,

' Cf. "Wieseler-MiiUer, Denk, No. Handbueh. d. rdm, Alterth, vi. p. 861 ;

7926. Preller, Pauly, &c.

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HYGIEIA. 101

presentation of gifts to Salus in union with Apollo and Aescu-
lapius. A head of the Roman goddess appears on a denarius of
the Junia gens (Cohen, Mid. consul, pL 23, 7), struck probably
in B.C. 89, and a denarius of the Acilia gens, B.C. 54 (Cohen, op. cit*
pi. I. No. 3) represents Salus leaning against a column with her
right hand raising up her serpent's head towards her face. The
various representations of Salus under the Empire can be well
followed on the Roman coins.^ On an auretcs of Nero ' Salus '
— identified, as she generally is, by an accompanying inscription
— is represented seated on a throne, holding in her right hand
a patera, but without the serpent. On a coin of Gktlba the
' Salus generis humani ' holds her patera over a lighted altar,
and has the further attributes of a rudder and globe : the * Salus
Publica' (under Nerva) holds ears of com. When Salus is
represented with her serpent she is sometimes seen seated
extending a patera to it as it coils round an altar, or she
leans against a column feeding the serpent in the manner of
Hygieia.

Warwick Wroth.

1 The coins which follow are all atcrei in the Brit. Mu8. Coll.

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102 ON A PHOENICIAN VASE FOUND IN CYPRUS.

ON A PHOENICIAN VASE FOUND IN CYPRUS.

The vase of which I here publish representations is barrel-
shaped with round ends, and has at each end protuberances in the
form of nipples. There is a small raised ring round the neck.
The mouth is fiinnel-shaped, with edges slightly overlapping.
The dimensions are as follows: — Circumference over nipples
2 ft. 7f in. Circumference of barrel 2 ft. 1 in. Height of
neck 3 J in. Total height of jar 1 ft. J in. The vase was bought
at Lamaca, and probably found near that place.

The vessel is of a purely Phoenician model, though not
necessarily of pre-Hellenic times, of a kind occurring not only
in earlier and later specimens made by the Phoenician race in
Cyprus, but also in pottery manufactured by other races in places
in the island where their influence predominated. The clay used
in the composition of the jar is of a darkish cream colour, and
has evidently been very carefully washed and prepared. The
paintings were done in black and reddish brown on the natural
ground shortly before firing, and to the painstaking of the artist
is owing the remarkably perfect preservation. The neck is
decorated inside and out with plain bands of different breadths,
black, with the exception of two brown, one in and one outsida
The handle is framed in broad black bands from which aie
drawn lines from side to side interrupted by a cross at the bend.
The lines of the handle are continued round the neck in a
wavy pattern. The painting on the opposite side to the
nandle was made first, as is shown by the symmetry of the
drawing in comparison with the other figures, and has for a
centre the sacred tree of design and richness of detail never
before observed in works of this kind. This emblem is intended
to represent ideally the human body in the shape of the goddess
of Nature, worshipped under the symbol of a tree, which is

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ON A PHOENICIAN VASE FOUND IN CYPRUS. 103

proved not only by the form of the drawing but also by other
objects discovered in Cyprus and Hissarlik introducing the same
idea. In this case the head is crowned with lotus-flowers, and
the ai-ms and legs represented by scroll-work. Alexander di
Cesnola bought from Idalium two jars {Salaminia, Figs. 233 and
235), the first bearing the sacred tree, and the second in the
same position on the vessel, a curious figure with a lotus flower
for a head and holding a combination of those symbols called in
India by Prof. Max Miiller 'Swastika' or ' Suastika.' The
figure is simply an emphasised form of the tree. Between the

scrolls standing for legs is a small square containing a Swastika,
probably painted with the same intention as in that on the
leaden image found by Dr. Schliemann. From this square
depends what may be mere ornament or another figure.
The two stags and birds belong to this part of the design, and
are facing the tree in the manner so often seen in other
Phoenician objects. The bird on the left, shown to be a bird of
prey by the talons, holds in one claw a small lotus-flower and is
surmounted by an Assyro-Phoenician rosette. The other, by the
evidence of the legs and feet, is probably a wader ; in front of it
is a stalk with a flower and it is crowned with a large lotus

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104 ON A PHOENICIAN VASE FOUND IN CYPRUS.

flower. The stags also appear to carry lotus flowers and feed
from the tree. The action of all the stags on the jar is
remarkably lifelike for so primitive a design, and it is to be
noticed that no two are in the same attitude.

The artist's intention was to draw the symbolic tree in sym-
metrical arraogement on every side, but having made the left-
hand bird too large he could not retain the desired accuracy,
and one of the trees in these end paintings got pushed
slightly out of the line. In treatment these trees are to
all intents the same. They have both six rosettes in a vertical
line down the centre agreeing completely with those on the
jar now in the Berlin Museum. (Plate IV., Fig. 1, Cesnola's
Cyprus German Edition; p. 55, English Edition.) The stags
at the sides have no lotus-flowers, and one of them is below
the tree and has his head turned away for want of room, the
others seem to be climbing ; they are in many respects better
and more freely executed, and their teeth are shown in a
curious way.

The design under and in a line with the handle, always
having the sacred tree for subject, was probably made only to
fill up, the arms for want of suflScient space being of unequal
length. There are no attendant animals, but some rosettes.

This vase is without a rival in its kind either in Cyprus or
elsewhere for richness of design, accuracy of detail and lifelike
drawing, and although made by Phoenicians, is interesting also
from the Hellenic point of view; showing at once from what
source the Greeks acquired many of the decorative designs
which they applied to vases, and how the inventiveness of the
Greeks reacted on the Phoenician potters, and stimulated their
faculties.

Max Ohnefalsch Richter.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 105

A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

The tablet which is the primary subject of the present paper,
and which is depicted on the accompanying plate, has been for
forty years in the British Museum, having been presented in
1845 by Mr. W. R. Hamilton, the secretary of Lord Elgin. It
consists of a slab of close-grained white marble of oblong form
2 feet 9 inches in length and 1 foot lOJ inches in height in the
middle where it is broadest. The right upper comer is restored.
The tablet was evidently made to let into a wall ; the back is
rough-hewn, and at the top is a small oblong hole for a peg.

The inscription beneath the relief is obviously modem. It
reads Aesculapio Tarentino Salenius Areas, in letters which
seem to date from the early part of the present century;
apparently it was inserted by some person who considered the
relief to represent Aesculapius, wrongly, beyond a doubt. But
it is yet of some value as suggesting that the monument was
found at Tarentum, and this is on all accounts probable.

The design of the relief, which is flanked by Doric pilasters,
must be described. On a couch recline to the left two men
clad in mantles (himatia) ; one is bearded and middle-aged,
the other of ephebic age. The older man holds a patera in his
left hand and lays his right on the shoulder of the youth, who
turns to embrace him affectionately. A second youth enters
from the left leading in a horse. He is clad in chiton and
chlamys, and a taenia is wound about his head. Before the
reclining men is a table covered with food and fruit; to the
right is a naked servant holding an oenochoe and a patera or
flat cup.

The art of the relief is good; not very early, but of times
earlier than the Roman conquest of Tarentum. The figures of
the youths remind one of Athenian sepulchral reliefs of the

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106 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

fourth century. But the most distinctive part of the composition
in this aspect is the horse. He is somewhat thin-legged,
slightly built and tall, his head rising very high. He is just such
a horse as is usually depicted on Tarentine coins of the latter
part of the fourth century ; ^ on earlier Tarentine coins the horse
is represented as far more compact and smaller in proportion to
his rider.2 The horses on coins of northern Greece are also tall^
but they are much more massive.^ It would not be very easy
to match the tall sharply-cut animal of our relief except at
Tarentum, and it is likely that these qualities were conspicuous
in the noted Tarentine breed of horses. The same character
belongs to the horse's head from Tarentum published in these
pages* by Prof. Michaelis. We may therefore venture to
assign the present monument locally to Tarentum, and in time
to the end of the fourth century B.a

The subject of the relief is a matter of more complexity.
I consider it to be one of the earliest examples of a remarkable
class of sepulchral reliefs. But the more detailed explanation
of it is postponed for the moment.^ For I cannot content
myself with discussing this monument by itself. It seems
worth while to go into the matter at greater length, and not
only to discuss this relief but to indicate what opinions have
been held in regard to the class of monuments to which it
belongs, those called by archaeologists sepulchral banqicets. Few
groups of ancient remains have aroused more frequent discussion
than this; discussion in which the greatest names have been
ranged in hostile camps. Yet we need recount the history of
the dispute but summarily, since the question now, in conse-
quence of recent discoveries, admits of definite solution. The
scholar of to-day is enabled to take a higher stand in this
matter than the giants of the last generation, and to overlook
the whole field in which they waged a fluctuating war. No
doubt when the Corpus of Sepulchral Beliefs projected many
years ago by Prof. Conze is published the whole subject will
receive fuller attention than I can bestow, and the facts of the
case will be placed before readers in satisfactory and final form.

^ Gardner, Types qf Greek Coins, PI. * Joum, Hell. Stud, 1882, PL xxiv.

xi. a, 4. p. 234.

* Ibid, PI. V. 8, 9, 84, 35. • I return to the subject under head

« Ihid, PI. vii. 3-6, 39, 40. iv. ad fin. at page 138.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 107

But in the meanwhile a slight skirmish on the ground hereafter
to be occupied by the advancing army of knowledge may be not
without its uses, at least to those English readers who are
unable to follow closely the course of archaeological discovery.

In almost all large museums are to be found Attic sepulchral
monuments which bear a relief of the following kind : A pair,
man and woman, are enjoying together a banquet, in the attitude
usual to the Greeks : the man reclining on a couch, the womaa
seated at his feet : in front a slave sei-ves the wine. This is
the commonest species : but in the genus there are numerous
varieties. Sometimes we have two men reclining with their
wives, or these last are absent, and a multitude of accessories
are added, as to which we shall presently speak. Is it wonderful
that the appearance of a banquet on a tomb, the presence of
sensuous enjoyment at the gate of death, should excite the
interest of those who study antiquity ? And amid the Athenian
sepulchral reliefs which usually bear representations touched
with sadness, scenes of parting and melancholy, they seem to
form a class quite apart, and to indicate a diflferent order of
thought.

These reliefs are seldom of an early period. I believe that
the earliest date claimed for one of the usual type is the fourth
century B.C. And the great majority, if we exclude the Lycian
reliefs as but half-Greek, belong to a much later period, to late
Macedonian and Roman times. Then their type had become
fixed and conventional, and accessories were added according to
a routine and without special meaning. They are especially
common in Attica, but specimens reach us from northern
Greece, from Peloponnese, and from the coasts of -Asia
Minor.

This class of reliefs did not escape the observation of
Winckelmann ; ^ he indeed published one of them ; but fell, as
was not unnatural at the time, into the error that the repre-
sentation was of a mythological scene, the amours of Poseidon
and Demeter Erinnys. Zoega ^ was the originator of the view

^ Alte Denkmaler, No. 19. * Bassirilicvi, PIf. xi. xxxvi

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103 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

which sees in works of this class mere representations from
ordinary Greek household life. Gerhard hesitates between two
views; he sometimes speaks of the feast depicted on the
monuments as of one enjoyed by the deceased in Hades,
and sometimes seems rather to regard it as enjoyed by the
survivors and celebrated by them in memory of lost friend or
ancestor. K. O. Mtiller preferred the theory which sees in the
scenes an allusion to the future happiness of the good, and the
enjoyments which await them in the realm of Hades. Le Bas ^
adopted the same view, and was vigorously attacked by Letronne,
between whom and Le Bas sprang up on some of the points
involved a memorable controversy, which did much to clear the
air and set matters in the true light, so far as it was possible in
the existing state of knowledge. Letronne was considered to
have the better of the controversy, and after this the more
naturalistic explanation, which sees as in the family groups on
tombs, so in the feasts also, allusion to the ordinary events
of daily life, found support from some of the ablest names.
Friedlander, Welcker and Jahn all took this view, with but
slight variations among themselves, and Welcker ^ in particular
distinguished himself by a sharp and contemptuous criticism of
those who held other views than his own. Meantime Stephani ^
had appeared upon the scene with his great learning and wide
knowledge of works of Greek art. He did not take the view of
Welcker and Jahn, but was led mainly from a comparison of
the mural paintings of Etruscan tombs to the belief that the
Greek sepulchral reliefs frequently represent the physical
enjoyments which were not wanting according to the belief
of the ancients in the Elysian fields, and which there awaited
the just as a simple continuation of the natural pleasures of the
present life. In 1868 the French^Institute selected banqueting
scenes on Greek tombs as the subject for one of their prize
competitions ; and the result was the production of two valuable
works on the subject ; one by Pervanoglu * which has been
published, and which proceeds on the lines of Friedlander and
Welcker ; and one of much greater length by M. Albert Dumont,
which has I believe remained as yet unpublished. It is

^ Antiq. Figur4es, pp. 85, 699. ^ Dcr Ausruhende HcrakleSf 1854.

2 Alte Dcnknidlery pt. ii. PI. xiii. * Das Familicnmahl axif altgrkch-

and text. iachcn Grnhskitien,

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 109

however known that M. Dumont believes the feasts of the reliefs
to be symbolical representations of those offerings to the dead
which were so usual at fixed periods among the Greeks, and
memory of which is still kept up in modem Greece by the
relations of the dead who bring roses to their graves at certain
festivals, and bestow on friends cakes called KoWv^a made of
pomegranate seeds and fruits.^ There is also a short but
careful and sensible paper dealing with the whole subject
published by HoUaender ^ about 1864 : this writer takes the
same view as Dumont. Within the last ten years the number
of important and instructive reliefs of this class has greatly
increased, and notices have been elicited from many Continental
archaeologists, such as Conze, Milchhoefer, Furtwangler, Welters
and Ravaisson. Some of these will be discussed in the course
of this paper.

To sum up : Of the reliefs of this class three explanations
have been offered : (1) That they are retrospective, and repre-
sent the enjoyment of the past life of the persons whose tombs
they adorn. This view brings them in connexion with the
ordinary Athenian grave reliefs which represent domestic scenes
or out-door pursuits. This view was started by Zoega, and main-
tained with great vigour and success by Friedlander, Welcker
and Jahn. (2) That they refer to the offerings of meat and
drink brought by survivors at fixed periods to the grave, which
the dead are thus represented as accepting and enjoying. This is
the view of HoUaender enforced by M. Albert Dumont and many
others. (3) That they represent the happiness of the deceased
in Hades, and his enjoyment in the next life of delights of
eating and drinking similar to those which he possessed in this
world. This view, which represents the Greeks as imagining
the next world to be a continuation of this, not in essentials
merely, but even in gross and material enjoyments, has been
advocated by Stephani, Le Bas and K. O. Miiller.

Sepulchral monuments on which is a banqueting scene are
very common. Mr. Pervanoglu in his work published in 1872
enumerates 212 examples known to him ; M. Albert Dumont
describes no less than 297 specimens; and neither of these

^ See M. Dumont's notes on the Travels and Discoveries, I. 213.
v€Kv<rta in the RSviie ArchSologique, * De operibtis anaglyphis, &c.

N.S. vol. XX. p. 247. Also, Newton,

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110 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

lists is aoytbing like complete. In such circumstances it is
evident that I cannot here cite even all important varieties;
I must content myself with describing a very few typical
specimens.

We begin with a simple and ordinary class: Male figure
reclining on couch ; at his feet seated female figure ; before the
couch a tripod covered with eatables and drinkables, with a
slave to serve them; while the man is feasting, the woman
commonly draws her veil about her. Or the male figure
reclines alone. It is evident that here we have nothing to give
a colour or a flavour to the scene ; the feast is to all appearance
an every-day one. It is well known that the heroes of Homer
sit at table ; and the custom of reclining came in at some time
between the age of Homer and historical times. The custom
never spread to women, at least of the modest class, nor to
boys. We are told that in Macedon boys were not allowed to
recline at table until they had slain a boar, which sometimes
did not happen until they were middle-aged; Cassander for
instance had to sit like a boy until he reached his thirty-fifth
year. When men dined together in Greece modest women were
not present; but when a man dined at home his wife would
naturally be present, not ;reclining with him, nor probably
eating with him, but sitting byttp entertain him with her talk
while he dined. The group which I have described is therefore
an ordinary scene firom the -private life of the Greeks. Some-
times the seated wif^ rests her head on her hand in an attitude
which to the Greeks signified grief.^ This may seem a jarring
note at a feast ; but we know that it was customary in Athenian
grave-reUefs which represent scenes of daily life to introduce
some such touch as this, to show that the beautiful picture has
been spoiled by the hand of death, that it was not destined to
last, and that already the shadow of coming change was thrown
on to the happy scene. In the same way we may interpret
another adjunct sometimes found in banqueting scenes which
certainly come from actual tomb-stones, a snake twined round a
tree in the background.

So far we find nothing to throw doubt on the theory of
Welcker and Friedlander, that the daily banquet was introduced
in sepulchral reliefs, firom the same motives as other scenes of
* Stcphani, Der Ausruhende Herdkles^ PI. vii 1.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. Ill

domestic life. What scene, they say, could be more character-
istic of domestic felicity, what memory more pleasing to recall
on a gravestone than these happy moments, when physical
satisfaction of bodily needs went with pleasant talk and social
enjoyment ?

We may even go further and say that to certain reliefs ot
the class, this view alone seems appropriate. For example, one
of the earliest and most interesting among them is on a tomb
in the celebrated Athenian cemetery on the Sacred Way.^ It
represents two men reclining on a couch, with food as usual set
before them, and their two wives seated by ; in the foreground
is a galley, in which is Charon with his hand extended towards
the feasters. A comparison with other Athenian reliefs lead us
to think that this banquet, at all events, is one of every-day life.
The sudden appearance in the midst of social enjoyment of one
destined to summon to tho next world is a striking fancy,
rather in accordance, one would think, with the taste of the
Etruscans than that of the Greeks, yet by no means unknown
in Greek and even Athenian sepulchral reliefs. We may instance
the well-known relief inscribed with the name MYPPINH
where Hermes appears ^ leading by the hand the girl Myrrhina
from the midst of her family, to convey her to Hades.

Indeed this simple explanation of the group is in almost
all cases tenable where the monument is of Athenian pro-
venience, and the relief belongs to an ordinary tombstone. In
this case the relief is of square form, and carved on a steli
usually bearing the name of the deceased, and left rough at the
bottom that it may be set up in the ground. But there is
another class of reliefs easily distinguished from these by being
oblong in form, of greater width than height, usually flanked
by pilasters, and made to be let into the wall of a larger monu-
ment. Many writers have confused these with the reliefs of
stelae, but they are, as Stephani clearly shows, to be kept apart
jfrom them. Stephani, remarking the likeness of these reliefs
to ex voto tablets dedicated to various deities, expresses the
opinion that they were set up in private shrines as memorials
of the dead, and used in the household worship of deceased
ancestors.

^ Salinas, MonumerUi Sepolcrali, PI. ' Ravaisson, Lc monument de Myrr*

iv. hine.

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112 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

As to their provenience, it seems to be established that in
some cases at all events they come from cemeteries, and the
close neighbourhood of tombs ; one published by M. Frankel ^
for instance was found close to an actual tombstone. They
must therefore be considered as a sort of supplementary memor-
ial> set up near the tombs of the wealthy or distinguished,
beside the ordinary inscribed stelae.

If we could in this paper maintain a strictly scientific order,
we should treat them apart from the actual reliefs of tombs.
This is, however, not altogether possible, because the two classes
are confused in the lists drawn up by various writers, even in
those of Stephani himself, as he is obliged to confess.

But in the main, all that here follows refers to the oblong
class of reliefs. They are far more complicated, and introduce
a number of additions to the simple banqueting group, which
are found but seldom on the simple reliefs of square form. These
additions we must briefly discuss in order. As they multiply,
so do the difficulties of the naturalistic method of interpretation
increase. In order to help the imagination of the reader, I

^ ArchdoL ZeUung, 1874, i\ 14°.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 113

insert on the opposite page a woodcut of a typical specimen of
the oblong reliefs.^

It is the relief in the Theseium at Athens, commonly called
'* the death of Socrates." As to its date opinions diflfer ; some,
as Friederichs, assign it to the fourth century B.C., in -which case
it would be among the earliest reliefs of the class; some, as
Stephani, consider it to date from so late a period as that of
Hadrian. Certainly in many of the details and the general
character of the work, we see proofs that the relief does not
really belong to good Greek times. But if it be of eclectic and
unoriginal type, yet the monument whence the type was
borrowed must have belonged to days of Greek autonomy.

A dog is in this case seen lying under the couch.* It is true
of' course that dogs did, in Greek houses, lie under the couches
and tables to be fed from the hand of master and mistress ;
nevertheless the dog was certainly an animal devoted to the
shades below, the favourite of Hecate, and the common sacrifice
to the infernal deities. Sometimes in the place of this dog we
find a snake, Welcker and some of the more extreme advocates
of what we may term the daily-life theory as to these reliefs
have held that the snake appears in them by the same right as
the dog, as a domestic animal, since we know that it was by no
means unusual among the Greeks to have tame snakes, and to
allow them the range of the house.* But less extreme advocates
have seen the absurdity of supposing that the snake was a
common ^-ttendant at the ancient dinner-table, and have allowed
that. his presence in these reliefs must have reference to the
widely-spread belief of ancient times, that snakes were either
the companions or even the representatives of dead heroes. I
need not surely bring forward proofs of this statement, but I may
for a moment pause to point out how ancient science explained
the fact. Plutarch tells us, that when the dead body of
Cleomenes was hanging on the cross in Egypt, a large serpent
was seen wound about it, repelling the attacks of the birds of
prey who would have fed on it. This phenomenon, he says,
terrified some of the Alexandrians as proving that Cleomenes

1 'Eiprifi. cLpx» PI. 269. Welcker, PI. xiii. 1 ; Zoega, Bassirilievi, PL
Alte Denkm. ii. No. 96 ; Stephani, xxxvi.

Atisruh. fferakl p. 81, &c. A cast in ' The story of Olympias, wife of

the British Museum. Philip, and her tame snake is well

2 Cf. Welcker, Alie DenhndUry ii. known.

H. S.— VOL. V. I

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114 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

was a hero or of semi-divine nature, until it was pointed out^
that as the dead body of a bull produces bees and that of a horse
wasps, so the dead body of a man produces in the natural
course of its decay, snakes.

A third animal of usual occurrence in these scenes is the horse,
who either makes his appearance bodily/ or else is represented
by his head only, which is seen, as it were, framed in the back-
ground, that is in a square inclosure which has been imagined
to stand for a window, through which the head is seen. With
regard to the horse, one of the fiercest contests in this whole war
has been waged. One party have aflSrmed that his appearance
is a sign of death. They have tried to establish a connexion
between Hades and horses, and to show that the horse is a
natural symbol of departure on a long journey, as the Greeks
usually travelled on horseback. There has even been a sugges-
tion that there must be an antique element in the modem
Greek belief that Charos, or Death, rides on horseback about the
mountains attended by a train of corpses, and with dead children
hung at his saddle-bow. Letronne and Welcker are very severe
upon this theory, declaring the legends of the modern Charos
to be of Slavonian origin. Welcker is also very angry with an
unfortunate critic who imagines the term Kkyrotraykof; as applied
in Homer to Hades, to have something to do with riding on a
horse.2 He maintains that the horse who appears at banquets
on tombs is merely an ordinary domestic animal, who has good
right to share in the pleasures of his master, and by his presence
testifies to the knightly rank of the person to whom the tomb
belongs. Friedlander declares that the way to the next world
for a Greek would lie across the waves, and that it would not
occur to him to connect even in idea the last journey with a
horse. To this question we shall return.

Finally, the scene of the banquet is, on the oblong more
complicated class of reliefs, very commonly supplemented by an
addition, which at once seems entirely to change its character :
that is, by the approach to the feasting pair of some worshippers,
represented as of smaller size than they, and therefore as of infe-
rior rank or dignity. Sometimes they bring with them a pig, and
frequently other oflferings, with chaplets and other trappings of

^ As in Zoega, Baasirilievi, PI. xi.

* The epithet refers of course to the chariot, not the horse of Hades.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 115

Greek cultus. The following relief from Argos may serve as an
example ^ : Male figure reclining, and female seated, attendant in
background ; under the couch a serpent, and in the background
a horse's head inclosed in a square frame. There enters a train
of suppliants of small size, bringing with them a sheep for an
offering. Another relief, also published by Welcker,* shows us
a very similar scene, with a curious variety, that the reclining
male figure wears on his head a modius, and holds in his hand a
horn (comucopiae). It is at once evident that the presence of
worshippers takes these reliefs out of the class which can be ex-
plained as representations of ordinary domestic life. Even the
most thorough-going of the advocates of the daily-life theory have
seen this, and maintained, as does Welcker, that the reliefs
where votaries appear belong to altogether another category
from sepulchral reliefs ; are indeed ex voto tablets dedicated to
certain deities, by persons whom they had aided and succoured.
In the tablets where a snake appears by the side of the pair
who are the objects of veneration, he calls them Asclepius and
Hygieia ; where the reclining figure wears a modius, he calls
him Sarapis accompanied by his wife Isis or Persephone.

The recent excavations at the Asclepieion at Athens have
resulted in the discovery of a large number of ex voto tablets
dedicated to Asclepius and Hygieia. These however do not
bear any very close resemblance to the class of reliefs under
discussion. Asclepius and Hygieia appear on them ^ either
seated or standing, usually one seated and one standing. The
snake, which specially belongs to the healing god, takes its piace
under his seat, or twined round a tree. Worshippers, of course
of smaller size, approach bearing incense or fruits. But these
tablets are of far earlier period than the sepulchral reliefs, and
cannot fairly be compared with»them. With greater fairness we
may cite, as representing a late ex voto tablet to Asclepius, a
remarkable coin of Bizya in the British Museum. Com-
parison with other coins of the same city and period, on which
Asclepius very commonly appears, renders it certain that the
representation does belong to his cultus. We may thus describe

^ See "Welcker, Alte Denkmdier, ii. itself has disappeared.

PI. xiii. 2. The horse's head here • Ibid. PI. xiii. 3.

looks like that of an ox ; this can ' Mittheilungen InsL Atk., vol. ii.

scarcely be anything' but the result Pis. xvi.-xviii.
of defective drawiug. The monument

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116 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

the reverse type of this curious piece ^ which was minted in the
reign of Philip the Arab : — BIZVHNriN. Asclepius reclining on a
couch and Hygieia seated in front of him ; a tripod before the
couch, also a serpent twining round a staff. A votary approaches
bearing an amphora of wine, and on the other side a horse enters.
In the back-ground is armour hung on a tree.

This scene so closely resembles some of those cited by Welcker
that we might naturally be disposed to accept the theory that
these latter also were dedicated to Asclepius.

Welcker, however, does not seem to have been aware that
some of the reliefs of the oblong class on which votaries make
their appearance bear inscriptions which may perhaps help us
towards ascertaining their meaning. Two such are cited by
Stephani from Janssen's catalogue of the sepulchral reliefs at
Leyden : — ^

(1) A male figure reclines on a couch holding a patera, before
him is a table laden with fruits ; votaries are grouped about
him; above, five square openings, in which are placed, arms,
a horse's head and three female figures. Inscribed :

KvBpoyivec '^Hpwc

(2) A male figure reclines, holding horn and patera, a table
before him as usual ; behind, a snake wound round a tree ; by
the side an oenochoiis ; votaries approach bringing a pig decked
for sacrifice ; in the corner above is a horse's head. The inscrip-

1 Cat., Gr, Coins in Brit, Mus, * Nos. 15, 16.

Thrace, p. 90.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 117

tion records that the tablet is dedicated by Diodotus, son of
Antialcides, Prytanis for the second time and his fellow-Prytanes
to one Teiades [t H I A A H I ].

If we could change but a letter or two at the end of the
inscription just cited, and read Tfll Al AHI we might fairly see
in the tablet an ex voto relief dedicated to Hades, and certainly
the reclining male figure with his horn and patera would do
very well for a representation of Hades. But we learn from
Janssen that the reading as he gives it is clear and certain ; we
are therefore obliged to suppose that the tablet was set up in
honour of a mortal hero, and that he was dead at the time is
indicated by the whole scope of the relief, and in particular by
the snake twined round a tree in the background, this being a
well-understood sign of death. The first tablet also is set up
in honour of a hero.

Another instance will be found in the Archaologische Zeitung
for 1874.^ On a relief there published we see a male figure
reclining, with his wife seated as usual ; votaries approach them.
The inscription in this case is 'H8v\o9 dv40rj/c€' TSiv/co\o^,
Eucolus seems to be the deceased hero, to whom Hedylus,
presumably a relation, set up this tablet.

We seem then to have clear instances of votive tablets
set up in honour of a mortal, with votaries and the symbols
of snake and horse-head ; but perhaps scarcely enough instances
to enable us to lay down the rule that all the class of banquet-
ing-scenes on oblong reliefs were of this nature.

II.

Hitherto, I have been regarding Attic banqueting reliefs as a
class of monuments apart, and considered them from the point
of view which prevailed until recent years. But theories of
development are of as great value in archaeology as in other
branches of science. If we try not only to distinguish the
classes of these reliefs, but to track them upwards in time and
discover their original ideas and the artistic forms from which
they are descended, we shall, I hope, be able to decide finally

1 P. 148.

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118 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

those questions which seem insoluble when we proceed from
the mere classificatory point of view. To take tl^is course
would have been a few years ago impossible, as the monuments
which will most assist our search had not then been discovered.
But now it has become a possibility.

If we turn from Greece to the monuments of the semi-Greek
countries of the east and west, to Lycia on the one hand and
Etruria on the other, we shall at once see that the banqueting
reliefe do not stand so far aloof as they appeal- to do when we
confine our attention to works of Hellenic art only. On many
of the Lycian tombs discovered by Fellows are reliefs of which
the subject is a male figure reclining on a couch and holding a
patera. On a tomb at Cadyanda ^ for instance, the relief repre-
sents a man reclining, holding a bunch of grapes and a patera,
a dog below his couch : suppliants approach him bearing
grapes. The relief of a tomb at Myra ^ represents a reclining
man and a seated woman who draws forward her veil : a dog is
beneath her seat ; and votaries are on either side. Both these
tombs are of the native Lycian or pre-Greek class, and must
therefore be older than the Hellenisation of the district which
took place probably in Seleucid times. And they appear to
contain most of the essential elements of the later banqueting
reliefs. Not very different in character are scenes depicted on
still earlier monuments, such as the well-known tomb called
the Nereid monument, which was erected according to a gene-
rally accepted theory in honour of Pericles, a king of Xanthus.
On one pediment of this building we find an ideal battle-scene,
on the other is a group representing the king after death
receiving the homage of survivors. He is seated on a throne
beneath which crouches a dog, his queen sits opposite, drawing
forward her veil ; between the two are their children, and on
either side suppliants of smaller stature are represented as
approaching the principal figures.^ Groups of a similar charac-
ter are to be found on other Lycian monuments, that called the
Chimaera-tomb for instance. Thus so far as Lycia is concerned

^ Fellows, Lycia, p. 118. generally accepted, and hag superseded

^ Ibid, p. 197. the theories which made of the group

* Such is the interpretation sug- either a set of deities or mortals en-

gested by Michaelis in the Ann, d, gaged in an every -day feast.

hist. 1875. I believe that it has been

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 119

there can be no doubt that as early as the fourth century B.C,
dead heroes were represented on their tombs as receiving homage
from the living.

The same order of ideas prevails in Etruria. The well-known
archaic sarcophagus of the British Museum furnishes us on its
two sides with contrasted pictures of fighting and feasting.
And that the feast here is a feast after death, is shown by the
analogy of the wall paintings of several of the large tombs of
Etruria, in which the occupant of the tomb is seen eating,
drinking, and making merry, as if he had but to continue in
the tomb the life which while he was in the flesh he had found
so pleasant.

But we must not delay over the representations in Etruscan
tombs, partly because in character they are nearer to the art
and the beliefs of Egypt than to those of Greece, partly because
the question of their interpretation is not altogether an easy
one. Let us pass on to Greek soil. And first we must mention
a class of sepulchral reliefs common from the fourth century
onwards, and more particularly usual in Boeotia, in which we
see a hero of magnified stature, either riding on a horse or
leading a horse, and receiving in a patera or cup the libation
of some figures, usually female, who meet him.

A good instance of this large class may be found in a Theban
relief, which represents a warrior of magnified stature, clearly
a hero, standing beside his horse and holding out a patera to
receive the oflFerings of some sii^pliants who approach, bringing
him a pig, a bird and a vase. A similar relief exists in the
Sabouroff Collection.^ It is from Tanagra, but Furtwangler
considers it to be of Attic work, and of not later time than the
fourth century B.C. It represents a hero accompanied by his
horse, holding out a patera into which a female figure is pouring
wine or oil from a vase : at the side a man and woman and two
children enter as suppliants. Above is the important inscrip-
rion, KAAAITEAH^ AAEZIMAXfll AN EOHKEN, proving that
the tablet was set up in honour of a deceased mortal. In a
small stele from Rhodes in the British Museum, the hero
advances on his horse towards a female figure who prepares
to pour him a libation.

Italian excavations also have of late years largely illjistrated

J PI. xxix.

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120 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

our subject. At Tarentum large numbers of terra-cotta reliefs
have been discovered ^ which in their subjects approach closer
to the Athenian monuments. These terra-cottas are usually
found in fragmentary condition ; but it is clear that in many
cases they represent a deceased hero reclining at table, often
accompanied by wife and child. Sometimes these groups bear
the impress of archaic, sometimes of fully-developed art. A
remarkable specimen which presents exceptional features is
engraved in the Monumenti of the Boman Institute (xi. pi. Iv.).
It represents a young man and woman engaged in feasting
together, while behind them appears in the background a horse.
The exact purpose of these terra-cottas has not as yet been
ascertained, but all scholars who have written about them are
agreed that they belong to the cultus of the dead in Tarentum,
which was, it must be remembered, a Dorian colony. On others
of these tablets heroes seem to be represented as riders.

But the best clue for the due interpretation of the Greek
banqueting reliefs is furnished by those archaic Laconian reliefs
the finding of which in recent years has so greatly increased
our knowledge of art and archaeology. Some of the more
important of these were brought before the learned world by
Dressel and Milchhoefer in the second volume of the Transactions
of the German Institute at Athens.* One stone bears a relief
representing man and woman seated side by side; he holds
wine-cup and pomegranate, she draws forward her veil. Another
reproduces the same pair ; but behind them stands erect a snake,
while in front approach two votaries of the female sex bearing
as offerings a cock, an egg, a flower, and a pomegranate. So
soon as wonder at the very remarkable artistic style of these
interesting reliefs so far subsided as to allow archaeologists
leisure to consider their meianing, two opinions found advocates.
The wine-cup naturally suggested Dionysus, and the first
discoverers of the stones had supposed the tablets to be made
in his honour, and to represent him seated with Ariadne (or
perhaps Persephone), to receive the adoration and offerings of
certain votaries.

^ "Wolters, Arch, ZeU. 1882, p. 300 ; « Engraved also in Overbeck's Gr,

also Diimmler, Ann, delV Inst, 1883, p. Plastik, 3rd edit. i. 85 ; Perry, p. 73 ;

192. They have been also found at Murray, 1. 94.
3iyrina.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 121

Messrs. Dressel and Milchhoefer in the above-mentioned
Transactions discussed the matter at length and with much dis-
cretion. They declared that the reliefs must belong to some
well-understood and widely-spread Peloponnesian cultus, deeply
rooted in the feelings of the people, and possessed of a well-
understood language of symbols, the wine-cup, the egg, and the
pomegranate. It occurred to these archaeologists to compare
the reliefs of Sparta with the reliefs representing banqueting
scenes, but they maintained that whereas the personages
represented in the ordinary banqueting scenes are mortal, those
portrayed on the Spartan reliefs must be deities. They next
asked what deities ? and rejecting Dionysus as inappropriate
and not known in Laconia in early times, decided that the
figures represented must be Hades and his consort, and the
whole set of reliefs an important evidence of the worship of
Chthonic deities in Laconia in early times. The scene repre-
sented would thus be the homage done by votaries dead or living
to the great powers of the unseen world.

The proofs, however, of the truth of this attribution were not
numerous. That Hades sometimes on vases holds the wine-cup
or kantharos of Dionysus is true. And there was found near
Sparta a terra-cotta statuette of a seated man, inscribed
AIAEY^, which word we may reasonably suppose to be a
cross-form between Al AH^ and Al AHNEY^.^ But this figure
being headless, and endowed with no attributes, furnishes but
a very slight argument in favour of giving the name of Hades
to so different a being as he in the reliefs. There was no doubt
rife in the Peloponnese, or at least in all parts of it where
Pelasgic traditions of cult were strong, a devoted worship of the
Chthonian deities Demeter, Persephone, and Hades. But we do
not know that Sparta was one of the seats of this worship ;
rather from the hostility shown by the Spartans to the Eleu-
sinian mysteries, the celebration of which they on several
occasions interrupted, we may conjecture that they did not
care to countenance the cultus of the great nature-deities.

The reasons in the other scale of the balance were even at
that time weighty. First, the only one of the Spartan reliefs
of which the exact find-spot could be traced was found, it
appears, standing erect in a tumulus composed of earth and

1 MiUhcil. ii. p. 299.

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122 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

stones which was in all probability an early tomb, while near by
was a stone inscribed QEPMANo^/ Secondly, the snake seems
by his presence to afford a strong indication that the being
whom he attends is rather a deceased hero than Hades the
mighty ruler of the dead.

Thus even on the evidence before them, Messrs. Dressel and
Milchhoefer might with justice have ventured to reject the
theory that Hades and his consort are represented in the reliefs-
It is, however, always difficult on the discovery of quite a new-
class of works of art immediately to determine their character.
Fortunately, not long afterwards, other Spartan reliefs came to
light; of these some are figured in the seventh and eighth
plates of vol. iv. of the Athenian Mittheilunge^i, One represents
a male figure seated, closely draped, holding in one hand a wine-
cup from which a snake drinks, in the other hand a pomegranate.
This relief is on a stel6 inscribed with the name of Tl MoKAHC ;
and another stelfe which bears the name of API^ToKAHC
exhibits a similar figure though in a freer style of art. These
reliefs readily attach themselves to the more archaic class of
Spartan monuments, and throw a fresh light on their character,
so that after seeing them Milchhoefer ^ retracted his previously
expressed opinion, and no longer hesitated to believe that in
all alike dead mortals held the post of honour, and that all
referred to the cultus of ancestors.

Other fortunate discoveries made recently, both on the soil
of Laconia and on that of Attica, have removed the last shadow
of doubt in the matter, and by bringing the Spartan reliefs in
line with the banqueting scenes on Athenian and other tombs
have served to explain the character of these also, and to throw
light beyond them, not only on other classes of sepulchral
relief, but on the monuments of Lycia, Etniria, and other
districts of semi-Greek art.

A Laconian relief was found at Chrysapha ^ near Sparta. Its
subject is a male figure, seated, fully clad, holding in one hand
a wine-cup, in the other a pomegranate ; at his feet is a dog
leaping up, and in front is sculptured in low relief a horse.

* This would seem to be the genitive * Published by Furtwangler in the

of'Ep/iai', avariantofEp/A^s. It seems MiUheilungen, vol. vii. (1882) PI. vii.

to signify that the tomb was sacred This wiiter looks on the evidence

to tlie Chthonian Ilennes. furnished by the monument in the

^ MiUhciluTuicn, 1879, p. 160. same way in which it is hcie accepted.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 123

Neither Dionysus nor Hades is specially connected with dogs or
horses, nor has Asclepius any connexion with a wine-cup or a
pomegranate. It seems then that it cannot be a deity who is
here represented. And every one who is acquainted with sepul-
chral reliefs, knows that a dog leaping up and a horse in the
background are among their most usual features. We can

scarcely resist the conclusion that our slab belonged to a tomb,
and that the person there represented is a mortal, seated in
state to receive the homage of his descendants or of passers-by.
If any doubt remained it would vanish on considering a stele
recently discovered in Attica, and ascribed to the latter part of
the sixth century.^ As to the sepulchral destination of this
monument its inscription leaves no doubt, recording that it was

^ MUthdlungcn, iy. (1879) PI. ii.

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12 1 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

set up in honour of one Lyseas by his father. It is not a relief,
but a flat slab, bearing a painting of Lyseas standing. This
standing figure in general outline reminds us of the relief which
presents a portrait of Aristion, and of other portraits of early
Attic worthies ; but the remarkable thing about it is that the
hero bears in one hand what seems to be a laurel-bough, in the
other a wine-cup exactly similar to that carried by the seated
figure in the Spartan relief. We thus gain an incontrovertible
proof that a wine-cup or kantharos does not belong only
to Dionysus and Hades, but may be held by a hero on his
tomb.

It may then be considered as certain that the dead were
figured on their tombs as seated in state, holding wine-cup and
pomegranate. And this leaves no doubt that the pair, male
and female, seated, who appear in the early Spartan reliefs are
the departed head of a family and his wife, and that the reliefs
wherein they appear are of sepulchral character. Again, this
pair, as we have already seen, is in some cases approached by
votaries bringing oflferings ; this shows that, in Sparta at least,
not only were the regular oflferings to the dead held in great
estimation, but that their presentation was considered a fit
subject to adorn the tombs of departed heads of families. And
the stel^ of Lyseas shows that this general order of thought is
not peculiar to Laconia, but that we may expect to find ideas
not dissimilar in other parts of Greece and even in Attica.

In Boeotia stelae have been discovered which exhibit the
prevalence in that part of Greece also of the same ideas. They
are published in the third volume of the Mittheilungen. For
instance, we have from Lebadeia a steli of very early date,
which was evidently fashioned with a view to being set up in
the earth as a gravestone. The relief on this stone is as follows :
On a seat rests an aged man clad in a himation : his feet
supported by a stool. Both arms are extended, in one hand is
a staflF, in the other a kantharos. Here we distinctly find the
dead hero grasping the cup of Dionysus.

According to Dressel and Milchhoefer the tablets at Sparta
must be memorials of a widespread and deeply-rooted cultus.
Willingly we accept this verdict: and the phrase happily
expresses the character of that worship of the dead which was
widely prevalent in ancient times, and which was a marked

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 125

feature of Greek religion, more particularly of the religion of
the conservative races of the Peloponnese.

The worship of the dead can scarcely be said to lie on the
surface of the great Attic literature. That literature, in fact,
belongs rather to all time and to human nature than to a
particular age and country ; and what is local and temporary
in Greek thought and feeling has ever a tendency to fall into
the background in it. It represents the Greek mind in the
same way in which the Doryphorus of Polycleitus, and the
Apoxyomenus of Lysippus, represent the Greek body : they
give us the better and nobler side, and put out of sight what is
mean and unworthy. In the great age of Greece, and in the
favoured city of the Athenians, religion meant the worship of
the great deities of Olympus, the highest and noblest forms
of the Greek religious consciousness. Primitive and patriarchal
elements of religion still existed ; but they were thrust into
the background. Thus, as indeed a glance at Athenian sepul-
chral monuments will assure us, the worship of the dead did
not occupy among the dite of Greece the same space in men's
minds which at an earlier time it had held, and which it still
held in the more conservative districts.

Nevertheless, a careful search will disclose many passages even
in the Attic writers which illustrate this form of religion. The
opening passage of the Ghoephori, for example, tells of cultus
kept up at the tombs of deceased worthies. In the Alcestis,
the heroine of the play is scarcely dead before she is invoked
by the chorus as a spiritual power, able to give and to withhold
favours : —

vvv S' ia-rl fiuKaipa Baificov,

It is instructive to compare with such passages as these a
class of vases peculiarly Athenian, the beautiful white XrjKvOoi,}
which bear paintings in almost all cases illustrative of the
offerings brought to the tombs of departed ancestors by survivors.
The abundance of these vases proves that the ideas which they
illustrate were quite familiar to the Athenians.

^ Cf. Pottier's useful work Les Licy-> the point of view of funeral customs as
thes blancs antiqtieSy 1884, where these well as from that of art.
monuments are fully discussed from

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120 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

At a lower level than that of poetry, in the laws and the
customs, more especially the burial-customs, of the Greeks, we
find ample proof of the tenacity with which they clung to the
belief that the dead desired offerings of food and incense, and
were willing in return to furnish protection and aid. We must
briefly trace the rise of this belief in the primitive mental
tendencies of the ancient peoples of the East.

It is well known to be one of the most universal and deepest
rooted convictions among barbarians, that the dead are not
without feelings and perceptions, but remain keenly alive to
the treatment they receive from their kindred and require of
them much assistance. The dead man, living in his tomb as
he had lived in his house, requires frequent supplies of food
and drink, rejoices in the presence of armour and ornaments,
such as he loved in life, and is very sensitive to discourteous
treatment. These ideas were part of the mental furniture of
the whole Aryan race, before it separated into branches, and
are found in all the countries over which it spread. They were
also fully accepted in very early times by the Egyptians. The
belief of these latter in the existence of persons after death was
so intense that it has created their art, given birth to their
literature, and even now gives a strong colour to all that remains
of the Egypt of the Pharaohs. The Egyptian grave consisted
properly of three parts : first the underground cell where were
laid, carefully preserved and wrapped in spices, the mummies of
the dead ; secondly, an inner chamber filled with images,
and thirdly, an outer chapel accessible to the friends of the
departed. The last two require a word of explanation. The
images were regarded as things in which the shade of the
deceased might dwell, their number was increased in order that
among so many one should please him well, and as long as one
remained, so long it was supposed would the shade of the
deceased find something to attract and bind him to the spot.
The outer chapel was a place of resort of fiiends who brought
offerings to the dead, burning incense, the fumes of which were
allowed to pass through certain openings into the chamber of
images. Even after the Egyptians had fully accepted the
belief that the souls of the dead passed to a distant world, there
to be judged by Osiris, they still, inconsistently enough, retained
the customs of the tomb, and called it the eternal dwelling-

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place, in opposition to that temporary dwelling-place, the
house.

By no means dissimilar were the views of the Greeks, at
least in earlier times. In the earliest of Greek graves, such as
the so-called Treasury of Atreus, at Mycenae, and the building
at Orchomenus,^ we find a somewhat similar arrangement of an
inner chamber devoted to the dead, and an outer chamber to
which those who came to pay their respects to the tenant of
the tomb probably had access, and which may have been stored
with articles of pomp and splendour, set aside for his enjoy-
ment. It is well known with what care the early Greeks
provided in the chamber in which they placed a corpse, all
that was necessary for its comfort, I had almost said its life.
Wine and food of various kinds were there laid up in a little
store, a lamp was provided full of oil, frequently even kept
burning to relieve the darkness ; and around were strewn the
clothes and the armour in which the dead hero had delighted ;
sometimes even, by a refinement of realism, a whetstone* to
sharpen the edge of sword and spear in case they should grow
blunt with use. The horse of a warrior was sometimes slain
and buried with him that he might not in another world endure
the indignity of having to walk. Even in Homeric days the
custom survived of slaying at the tomb of a noted warrior some
of a hostile race to be his slaves thereafter. After the fall of
Troy, Coulanges remarks, the captives were distributed among
the chiefs ; but it was not thought right to deprive the dead
Achilles of his share, and Polyxena was offered up at his tomb.
According to the ingenious theory of a modern savant,^ the
terra- cottas so commonly found in tombs in some parts of Greece
are the successors and substitutes of these living victims, placed
like their bodies in the grave of one who would in his future life
require servants and companions. Every one knows that the
custom of sati, whereby a wife is burned on the same pyre with
•her dead husband, is barely extinct in India.

And the care for the dead did not by any means cease at
their burial. They had to be constantly tended thereafter,
their bones preserved from violence, and their tombs jfrom

^ Described by Dr. Schliemann in ^ Rayet, in the Gazette des Beaux

the Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. ii. Arta^ 1875,
2 At Mycenae, for instance.

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128 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

spoliation; and at certain seasons food and drink had to be
brought them and left by their tomb for their use. Sometimes
even this did not satisfy their friends. There is in the British
Museum a sarcophagus in which a hole has been cut, to allow
food to pass in to the occupant, and Mr. Newton has suggested
that the small apertures near the top of Lycian tombs were made
with the same view ; they are too small to allow the passage of
the dead body itself. If a body was left unburied, or if the
tomb in which it was laid was not from time to time supplied
with food and drink, then the ghost inhabiting such body
became a wretched wanderer on the face of the earth, and
neither had peace itself, nor allowed survivors to be at peace.

The belief in the continued need felt by the dead and to be
supplied by the living, was so deep that even Christianity has
been unable wholly to abolish it, though in modern days roses
take the plaice at tombs of the more substantial oflferings of old
times. A couple of passages from Lucian ^ will serve to sum-
marise the ancient feeling: ireina'TevKaa't, yovv ra^ yfrv)(a^
avairefMirofiiva^; KarcoOev heiirvelv fikv ft)9 olov re irepLirerofieva^
7f)v Kvlaav KoX rov xairvov, irlveiv hi airo ^oOpov to fieXi-

Kparov. Tpe(f>ovTaL Tai^ Trap* vfjL&v 'xpal^ koI to?? KadayC'

^ofjbevoL^ iirl r&v Td(f>a)v' a><; ei Ta> fir) eXrj /caTaXekeififievo^;
virep y^f; <f)L\o^ fj a'vyy€vf}<: adLTo^ ovto^ V€Kpc<$ Kal \ifi(OT7a)v
iv avTol^ iroXireverai,

It is true that the state of opinion which gave birth to Greek
burial-customs did not persist unchanged into historical times.
Later there was spread abroad a general belief in the existence
of a realm of spirits, presided over by Hades and Persephone,
and hidden somewhere in the deepest recesses of the earth.
At least the common people believed in the Styx and the
Cocytus, the dog Cerberus and the Elysian fields, and the
fen:y-man Charon who conveyed souls. They even gave the
dead an obol to pay to Charon as his fee, but this very fact
shows how persistent the belief in the connexion of the future
life with the body was, for it was in the actual mouths of corpses

^ Lucian, 519 (Charon, 22), ii. 926 during his last illness copied out for

{De luctUy 9). I cannot omit quoting me Lucian's words in tremulous char-

these passages, to which my attention acters which evidenced alike the feeble-

was drawn by the late Rector of uess of his health, and the continued

Lincoln College. He took a kindly activity of his interest in Hellenic

interest in the present paper, and studies.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 129

(the mouth being the Greek purse) that the piece of money was
placed and left. The same men who supposed that souls went
into a far country, yet believed heroes to hover about the spot
on which they were buried, like the virgins of Leuctra who
appeared to Pelopidas, when he happened to sleep at the spot
where they were buried, or like the sages whose tombs became
oracular. The upper stratum of belief was occupied by those
notions of religion and a future state which were sanctioned by
poetry and art, and public cultus ; but in the background still
lurked many feelings which had arisen at a time when tho
grave was regarded by all as a dwelling-place, and the dead as
by no means inaccessible to the favours and the requests of the
survivors.

If, having acquired and assimilated these facts, we now turn
to the Spartan and Athenian reliefs successively, we shall find
ourselves in a position to solve some of the difficulties which
they present, and which have in former days perplexed archaeo-
logists. We may begin with the Spartan class. These reliefs
show us in connexion with the dead man as hero a number of
symbols. The hero himself holds a wine-cup. Fiirtwangler
suggests that this contains an allusion to the libations which
used to accompany funerals. This is doubtless true ; but the
hero is not pouring a libation, but receiving it. This is no
trivial distinction, but involves the whole question whether the
wine-cup is merely introduced in a spirit of vague symbolism to
typify certain rites which belonged to funerals, or whether it is
introduced not with a mere symbolical intention, but with a
very literal and real one. It appears to me that our hero holds
out his wine-cup to be filled, conveying thereby a very broad
hint to his votaries that he hopes to receive plenteous draughts
of wine at the recognised festivals of the dead. In the case of
some sepulchral reliefs this is quite evident. I will instance
a stel^ of the fourth century from Tanagra;^ on which is a
hero standing beside his horse, holding out a vessel which
a lady who approaches fills from an oenochoe. The sa^e
subject is found on a steli from Thebes,* and many others.

And there is the same meaning in the case of those statues
of the gods in which a patera is held in their hands. On
coins the patera in the hands of deities is especially common.
' Sabouroff Collection, PL jixix. ^ MiUhcilungcnj iii. 376.

H.S. — VOL. V. K

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130 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

Some students imagine that the deities who hold paterae are
occupied in sacrificing to one another. Some archaeologists
explain the fact by saying that the patera is the symbol of
worship : it should, I think, rather be considered that the gods
hold out to their votaries empty vessels for them to fill with
libations or incense.

The hero of the Spartan reliefs also holds sometimes a
pomegranate. It is well known what use is made of this firuit
in the legends of Cora. In the lower world she tasted a pome-
granate subtly offered her by Hades, and as a consequence
could never entirely return to the upper air and the light of
day, but was obliged to remain for four months of the year as
queen of the world of shades. The pomegranate then is the
characteristic food of the shades ; ^ they eat it at their feasts,
and it is brought to them by votaries together with fowls and
with eggs, which are recognised archaic symbols of future life
beyond the grave. The wife of the hero draws her veil forward ;
a natural and characteristic act no doubt in a Greek matron.
Yet the frequency of the action in case of those seated ladies on
Attic tombs who are taking leave of their firiends to go on the
last journey suggests that to grasp the veil may b^ a sign in
these cases of departure to another world, just as to rest the
head on the hand is a recognised sign of grief. The three
animals which occur on the Spartan reliefs are the snake, the
horse, and the dog. The snake and the dog appear as friends -
and companions of the hero ; the horse only comes in relief in
the background.

III.

If we return next to the class of oblong tablets found in Attica
and elsewhere in Greece, presenting the subject of a banquet,
we shall find that they have lost much of their mystery. We
shall no longer hesitate to see in them the dead hero and
ancestor with his wife, as they still exist after death in the
pious thought of their family.

Indeed among the sepulchral reliefs of Peloponnesus is one

^ Fortwangler takes it otherwise, seeds enter still into the compositioii

as the symbol of wifely love and devo- of the cakes, K6wvfia, above spoken of

tion. But it is sometimes placed in (p. 109).
the hands of virgins. Pomegranate

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 131

which may be considered as the prototype of the banqueting
scenes. It comes from Tegea,^ is of archaic work, and presents
the following design : On the left of it is a female figure seated
in a chair towards the right, holding a flower and drawing
forward her veil. Opposite her reclines on a couch a man, of
whom unfortunately all is lost but the feet. Between man and
woman is a naked youth who holds a wreath. Milchhoefer
remarks with justice that this relief, in spite of its fragmentary
state, just avails to bridge over the gap between the Spartan
stelae and the ordinary banqueting reliefs. It has many points
of resemblance to both classes.

When we have recognised that the banqueting reliefs of later
Greek art are the descendants of earlier monuments which
testify to the prevalence in Greece of the worship of ancestors
we shall no longer be startled by the presence on them of
votaries bringing offerings. And we shall be able to explain the
presence in them of domestic animals, the horse and the dog.
It is evident that henceforward the view which makes of these
the ordinary household pets of the deceased while he was alive
must be modified, since we now know that what we have to deal
with is not an ordinary scene of daily life. Yet the theory
requires but slight modification, a sort of translation, to make it
again reasonable. It has been an ancient custom with most or
all of the peoples of Europe to bury with a dead warrior his
horse and his dog. The bones of horses and dogs are found with
those of deceased worthies in Etruscan, Panticapaean, and other
tombs. It seems to me not impossible that the Greek fashion
of representing horses and dogs in the company of heroes on
their reliefs and vases may be a result of these ancient burial
customs. Depicting the future state of the hero they place
still in his company the horse and the hound which were his
pride when he was alive, and which a Greek gentleman could
not do without in this world or the next.

That the horse was constantly thought of in close connexion
with heroes who received cultus is so well known that it need
not further be insisted on. We may compare the class of late
South Italian vases in which it is so usual to see a hero
standing in his hereon to receive homage, while his horse is
very commonly added.

1 See MiUheilungeny 1879, PI. vii.

K 2

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132 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

But a very curious feature of the votive reliefs is that
frequently in the place of a horse we find only a horse's head
framed. I do not know that any one has suggested a plausible
explanation of this fact, for it is impossible to accept as
plausible the theory that the square frame is a window through
which is seen the head of the horse standing outside.^ If
I must suggest an explanation it would be that the frame
with the head in it is an anathema within an anathema, a
votive-tablet represented as hung up by the couch of the
feaster.

The dog also occurs by no means unfrequently on actual
stelae, the well-known archaic one from Orchomenus in Boeotia
for instance, and many of the Athenian tombs. The snake is
still commoner on stelae, though he appears there by a right
quite diflferent from that by which horses and dogs hold their
place. Horse and dog are old friends whom the hero takes
with him to the other world ; the snake is a new friend who
there first becomes his companion. Horse and dog belong to
the happy hunting ground; the snake to the cold earth
of the cemetery. The arms which in sepulchral reliefs
are often seen hung up in the background stand no doubt,
by parity of reasoning, for those placed in the tomb at
burial.

Another feature of the sepulchral reliefs of both Spartan and
Athenian classes which requires some notice is the constant
presence of the wife. This has always been regarded as a chief
support for the theory which refers these scenes to daily life.
The stones on which banquets are depicted were certainly in
many cases and probably in many more set up in memory of a
dead husband by a surviving wife. How, it was asked, could a
husband who had removed to another world sup with a wife
who remained in this ? but the difficulty vanishes if we refer
the scene to the past and not to the future. There is a certain
plausibility about this argument; and if wives accompanied
their husbands only on actual stelae and not on the oblong
slabs it might be possible to allow some weight to it. But as
no doubt remains that the reference in these latter is to the

^ It is not unusual to find the head iv. 40). But this fiEict gives us no
of a horse without his body, painted on help,
late Italian vases (see Mon, delV Inst,

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 133

future, and as women very usually accompany their husbands
on them, we are compelled to seek another explanation. It is
surely likely that a wife, even if she survived, would wish to
represent herself as sharing in imaginative anticipation the
banquet of her dead husband.

It is however a fact not to be overlooked that in cases where
the female figure is not seated at the feet of the male figure or
beside him, but meets him to pour wine into the cup which he
holds out, a modification of the older type which we meet at
quite an early period, then this lady does not seem to be the
wife of the hero. Bather firom her stature and appearance we
may suppose her to be some divine personage of perpetual
youth and beauty.^ And sometimes by the wings which spring
from her shoulders we may identify her as Victory, who thus
greets the hero on his arrival in the world of shades. This is a
poetical variation of the idea; but we need scarcely suppose
that in these cases a divine maiden is assigned to the deceased
as his companion in the next world, as Hebe was assigned to
Herakles.

Whether the feasting hero Is supposed to be receiving the gifts
of his votaries at the tomb or in Elysium, is no easy question
to settle. Indeed I do not believe that it can be settled, for it
is a matter on which the Greeks never fairly cleared their
minds. The primitive theory was that the deceased man lived
in the family tomb, and on this theory were based the burial
customs, the storing of food and drink in the tomb, the piling in
it of armour and vestments, the kindling of a lamp there to
dispel the darkness. But though these customs locally survived
to later Greek times, the ideas which had given birth to them
partly passed away. A realm of Hades, an Elysium, Islands of
the Blest were imagined, and the soul, at death, was supposed
to wander forth to distant lands in the direction of the setting
sun, or to pass into the lower parts of the earth. And yet,
though Achilles dwelt in the MuKapoDv injao<:, he was also to be
found at his tomb, where Alexander the Great went to worship
•him. Though the soul of Agamemnon when he died went to the
land of Hades, yet Elect ra calls on his name at his burial-place.
We here reach one of those radical confusions of ideas which exist

^ See especially a stel^ from Laconia and the remarks of Furtwangler on it
in the MUthcUungen for 1882, PI. xvi. a<; p. 867.

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134 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

among all peoples,^ even among ourselves if we take the trouble
to consider the matter. We may therefore decline to attack
the problem of the locality of the feast of the hero ; the snake
points to the tomb, but the horse and dog indicate rather the
Elysian plains.

We have already remarked that among the Athenian sepul-
chral reliefs, which so often merely depict a scene of every-day
life, with a shadow of coming death thrown across it, the ban-
queting reliefs seem to form a class apart. And we now see the
reason. The usual reliefs are products of Athenian artistic
feeling and good taste, and we may add of Athenian levity and
love of innovation. But the banqueting reliefs come from
another source altogether. They are based on a religious re-
spect for ancestors which belongs especially to Peloponnesus and
the Dorians. Their line begins probably among the races of
Asia Minor : it is accepted by the Spartans and developed at
Tegea and Tarentum. At Athens it does not make its appear-
ance until later times, and is never taken up and assimilated as
the Athenians took up ideas which were congenial to them.
The few early banqueting reliefs from Athens, such as that
on which Charon appears, are peculiar, and not readily ranged
in line with the rest

IV.

How, next, do we explain those votive reliefs to Asclepius,
which are not merely in character, but even in every detail, so
closely like the reliefs in honour of the dead ? I think that after
a careful examination of instances, it clearly appears that these
are mere copies of the reliefs we have been discussing. The
presence of a horse, and armour hung on the walls, are features
of the Asclepian reliefs, which seem in their case to have no
intelligible meaning at all. Le Bas suggests that the meaning
of the horse is, that death would have taken place but for the
intervention of the physician-god, and that the arms hung up
mean, that had the patient not recovered, the survivors would
have hung up his arms on his tomb. But it is suflSciently
evident how lame is an explanation which rests entirely on

^ Exactly the same confusion is ideas as to the future life. See
observed by M. Perrot in the Egyptian V&jyptc, p. 135, &c.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 136

' would have been/ and thus confesses itself directly at issue
with what actually took place. To me it appears far more
reasonable to suppose, that arms and horse alike were transferred
from sepulchral reliefs, where they have a clear and intelligible
meaning, to the Asclepian reliefs, where their presence is by no
means so appropriate.

It is indeed a fact, however we may explain it, that the
artistic representations of Asclepius and Hygieia are, from the
first, remarkably similar to those of deceased heroes. Not only
do the snake and the dog belong alike to the dead and the deities
of healing, but the very pose of the latter seems often copied
from that of figures in sepulchral reliefs. I would specially cite
one sepulchral relief,^ wherein a hero seated lays his hand on
the head of a snake, in almost exactly the attitude of the great
statue of Asclepius by Thrasymedes at Epidaurus,^ while a
female figure stands before him in the customary pose of
Hygieia. The dog too, who reclined beside the throne of
Asclepius at Epidaurus, has his parallel in the dog who lies
under the couch of the hero in the Lycian reliefs. We must
remember that Asclepius was a hero of mortal origin, born of
the woman Coronis. To Homer he is merely the 'blameless
physician,' whose sons, Macbaon and Podaleirius, led to Ilium
the men of Tricca. The framers of these reliefs may also have
considered Ajsclepius as but a demi-god, to whom horse and
armour would be appropriate.

It has been supposed that there are also votive tablets of this
class dedicated to Serapis. And certainly the feaster on the
couch sometimes wears on his head a modius which is the special
mark of Serapis. A specimen is engraved by Welcker,* but
to those at aU acquainted with Egyptian tombs an explanation
of this fact will readily suggest itself. Among the Egyptians
the dead man becomes Osiris on passing into the next world, and
takes on himself the character and the form of that deity.
Serapis is the successor of Osiris in Egypt, and assumes at a late
period aU his functions; what more natural, then, that a
deceased hero should appear after death, whether in Egypt or
even elsewhere, in the form of Serapis, and wearing his special

1 From Patras. MUtheilungm, viii. of Greek CoinSy PI. xii. 21, p. 187.
Pi. xviii. ^ AUe Denkm, PL xiii. 3.

* Copied on a coin. Gardner, Types

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136 A SEPULCHEAL BELIEF FROM TAKENTUM.

head-dress ? And we actually find reliefs in which the feaster
wears a modius, which are identified by their inscriptions as
referring to mere mortal heroes.^

This order of thought, however, belongs to Egypt rather than
to Greece. It has been suggested that on the Spartan reliefs,
for instance, the dead man appears in the person of Hades
rather than in his own. But this is scarcely true. The hero
is generalized by dying, as it were, and loses his most marked
individual traits. But he does not lose his personality in that
of the god of the shades ; for in almost all classes of sepulchral
reliefs young men are distinguished from elderly ones, and the
wife and children who accompany them are those of their
actual life.

A curious monument published by Pervanoglu ^ is a relief
of closely similar character, erected in honour of a divine being,
whose oultus was almost confined to Attica, Boreas, whom the
Athenians supposed to be particularly partial to them, owing to
the influence of his wife, the Attic Oreithuia. In this relief
appears a man with janiform head, reclining on a couch, and a
lady seated at his feet, with the inscription, . . . . lOS THI
EYinnni KAI THI BASIAEIAI. Pervanoglu shows that the
names or epithets em7nro<; and ^aaiXeia apply most properly to
Boreas and his consort, and that the Janus-head is appropriate
to him almost alone among gods and heroes.

In the last two pages we have been travelling on the verge
of an interesting subject, by no means distantly connected with,
the subject in hand, the custom of spreading a banquet to the
gods under the name Oeo^evta, The lectisternia of the Romans,
in which they spread feasts for certain of the gods, and laid their
images by the tables that they might enjoy what was provided
are well known, and most people fancy that the custom was of
Latin origin, but it is certain that the Romans in this matter
were mere imitators of the Greeks. We should naturally
suppose that the custom of feasting the gods arose from that
of feasting deceased ancestors. And this view receives fresh con-
firmation when we consider that these banquets were, among
the Greeks, bestowed not upon all the gods, but nearly always
on those of mortal birth, such as the Dioscuri, Asclepius and

1 Hollander, Dc Opa-ibus, &c. plate. 2 j)^ Familimrmhl, &c. plate.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 137

Dionysus. They are bestowed indeed upon Zeus and Apollo,
and this may seem strange, unless we remember how com-
monly Zeus Patroius or Herceius, and Apollo were confused in
cultus with the traditional family ancestor.^ The monuments
which commemorate Oeo^ivui are however in some cases older
than the stelae which belong to the cultus of ancestors. On a
lekythus from Rhodes, for instance, published by Mr, Newton, *
we have a very remarkable painting, which represents a couch
laid with cushions at each end, and above the Dioscuri on horse-
back approaching the couch, evidently in order to receive the
promised banquet. Testimonies alike in the form of inscrip-
tions and of passages of ancient writers, to the custom of invit-
ing the Dioscuri to dine are abundant, and are collected in the
work of Deneken J)e Theoxeniis, This writer shows that the
reliefs which are usually supposed to represent the visit of
Dionysus to Icarius, really represent banquets at which a priest
or votary of Dionysus receives his master in the capacity of host
and feasts with him. One of the most remarkable of these
reliefs was published in the Archdologische Zeitung of 1882, 6y
Deneken. It represents a man reclining at table, and a woman
seated at his feet, no doubt his wife. Below the table is a
snake, and beside it a slave to pour wine. The reclining pair
turn with a gesture of surprise and pleasure to the door, at which
enters Dionysus holding a thyrsus and leaning on a young
satyr. Deneken maintains, and probably with justice, that this
monument belongs to the oblong class of banqueting reliefs ; and
that it was inserted in the walls of a hereon erected in honour
of one who had in his life-time offered banquets to Dionysus,
whether as his priest, or as a member of some corps of actors,
who were in ancient times called Dionysiac artists.

A relief like this brings us back to the question which we
have already discussed. Is the scene of it in this world, or in
the grave, or in Hades ? No doubt it is commemorative of
events which happened in this world. Such a relief would only
be set up in honour of one who had in his life been a guest-
friend of Dionysus, Yet the presence of the snake, confirmed
by the general argument which has been established in the course

^ See for instance, the remarkable go(\ of the gens of the Clytidae.
inscription Bull, Corr. Hell, iii. 47, ' Transactions of the R.S.L. New

where Zeus Patroius appears as family Series, ix. 43i.

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138 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

of this paper, serves to show that the reference is not merely to
the past, but to the world which lies beyond death. The man
who has shown a friendly hospitality to the god of wine
when he was alive, might fairly expect to receive him as a
guest in Hades. We may then safely discard the view which
would lay the scene in the present Ufe. The grave and Hades
remain, and of these possible scenes we may hesitatingly
prefer Hades, as a banquet given to Dionysus actually in the
tomb must seem a strange and incongruous thing.

In connexion with the last sentence we may cite an import-
ant relief published by Conze,^ which represents a man supping
at table in company with a hero, who can be identified as
Herakles by means of the lion-skin which he carries, as well as
with a number of female figures. Conze considers that the
s6ene represents one who sups in Elysium with Herakles and
the Muses, and the accessories seem to bear out the view. Not
only are there trees in the background, among which flutter
winged youths, but similar youths appear also in the foreground,
and furnish the feasters with food and drink. Here then we
may seem to have an actual scene from Elysium. But at the
same time the relief recalls to our mind the remarkable inscrip-
tion called the will of Epicteta,* which gives details of the
foundation, at quite a late period, of a cultus of some deceased
relatives of the foundress in conjunction with that of the Muses,
the hereon being at the same time a temple of those goddesses.
In such a hereon, a relief like that under discussion would be
quite in place, and the banquet represented on the relief might
be an ideal representation of the sacrifices there offered year by
year by the surviving kinsfolk.

At the end of these somewhat protracted investigations we
find ourselves at last in a position to discuss the relief from
which we took our start. It evidently belongs to the class of
banqueting reliefs, and to that subdivision of the class which
consists of oblong tablets erected in the neighbourhood of tombs.
Of this class I believe it to be one of the earliest extant
examples. In the elder reclining figure we recognise at once a
deceased hero and ancestor, and in the general scene an idealised
representation of the sacrifices brought to him from time to time

* Archdol ZeUung, 1871, p. 81. * C, L 2448, cf. Newton, Essays,

p. 169.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 139

by surviving relatives. But that which constitutes the great pecu-
liarity of the relief, and that which is least easy to explain in it
is the presence of the two youths, one reclining at the feet of his
elder, one leading in a horse. These youths are not deities.
For a moment one might be inclined, especially considering the
Tarentine origin of the relief, to suppose that they are the
Dioscuri, who were greatly venerated at Tarentum, come as
guests to sup with the hero, but that explanation seems impos-
sible in view of the familiar attitude which is assumed by the
reclining men. No mortal would dare to lay a hand on the
shoulder of one of the great twin brethren. Neither are they
slaves, their size and their dignity at once preclude this idea.
They can scarcely be explained except as the sons of the elder
man. Sons do not as a rule on monuments of this class appear
as of the same stature as their parents, but as the wife is ordin-
arily represented as of the same size as the hero, his sons may
be so exceptionally. Shall we suppose that these sons died with
their. parent and were venerated with him, or were they the sur-
vivors who erected the tablet ? I fear that, in spite of all the
writing on the subject of sepulchral reliefs, their grammar is not
yet sufficiently established to enable us to form a decided opinion
on this point ; and with Uke uncertainty the horse may be re-
garded either as belonging to the father, or to that one of the
sons who brings it in. Perhaps the son on the couch may have
been dead when the relief was set up, and the standing son
may be the survivor who brings in a horse for the use of his
relatives. In the presence of this animal, and in other respects
our relief resembles the Tarentine terra-cottas already cited.

But in calling this relief abnormal, we must not forget that
the ordinary type to which we might have expected it to conform,
the type in which the seated wife is present, certainly was not
in exclusive use. None of the banqueting reliefs of Greece
proper, except that of Tegea, are of so old a date, and the
earlier Athenian banqueting reliefs show much greater variety
than do the late. We must therefore be cautious in applying to
this scene rules of interpretation based on a class of monuments
to which it cannot be expected to conform.

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140 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

If the present paper comes here to an end the reason must
be sought rather in the limits of space and the occupations of
the writer than in the exhaustion of the material. I have tried
to explain the Greek banqueting reliefs, by comparing them
with other classes of sepulchral reliefs in use in Greece at an
earlier period than that in which banqueting scenes first make
their appearance, and which bear a more clearly indicated
meaning. But I have not tried to follow the idea in its various
developments in Greece in historical times, with chronological
and geographical classification : for this could not be attempted
without a multitude of illustrations. And I have by no means
tried to trace the custom of representing banquets on tombs to
its original source. This would involve a discussion of the
monuments of Etruria on the one hand, and of Assyria and
Egypt on the other; and would require many investigations
into the religions and the customs of many nations. The work
would bring most valuable results, but it is altogether beyond
the present purpose. And I understand that more than one
able archaeologist is at work on the subject in Germany.

It would be equally out of the question to attempt, in the
course of an article like the present, to determine whether in
other cases th^ analogy of the Spartan reliefs may induce us to
discover mortal heroes and heroines where we have hitherto
seen deities. Certainly a process of that kind has been for
many years going on in the interpretation of Greek art. Some
statues formerly called ApoUos are now regarded as athletes;
figures once regarded as representations of Hera or Deme-
ter are now known to be portraits of matrons. To extend
this change of interpretation to new fields might be an enticing
task. But I will here refer only to one monument, which to
most Englishmen who know anything of classical archaeology
bears a charm quite unique — the Lycian Harpy-tomb in the
British Museum. It has been suggested by Dr. Milchhoefer ^
that we can now scarcely hesitate to see in the reliefs of this

' Arch, Zeitung, 1882, p. 54. MU- viii. p. 81, Prof. Brann speaks of the
theilunjerif iv. 167. In the same journal scenes on the Harpy tomb as sepulchral.

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A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM. 141

beautiful monument scenes in which deceased worthies are
receiving worship from the living.

In support of this view several considerations are adduced ;
firstly, the building was certainly a tomb; and we find on
several of the Lycian tombs, as has already been mentioned,
representations of the heroes buried in them as receiving
oflFerings and worship from survivors.

Milchhoefer calls especial attention to a detached gable end ^
of a Xanthian tomb in the archaic room of the British Museum,
on which is represented a stel^ surmounted by a harpy, on
either side of which steli is a seated figure, one bearded and
one beardless, each holding a long staflF. These two seated
figures closely resemble those on the Harpy-tomb, and Milch-
hoefer considers that they are two buried worthies depicted as
seated beside their tomb, just as on the white Attic lekythi we
sometimes see the dead seated on the steps of their own tombs.
We are also referred to the paintings of an early tomb at Caere
in Etruria,^ where the hero is depicted in a sitting posture,
while near him is a winged figure bearing in his arms a
woman.

In Greece the hero exchanges a sitting for a reclining posture
at the end of the period of archaic art, the relief of Tegea above
mentioned marking the transition. Does it not seem probable
that at about the same time the same change of posture was
introduced in Lycia also ? The reclining figures of later Lycian
art we know to be heroes : does it not then seem very likely
that the seated figures of earlier Lycian art are also heroes ?
We have here a sort of rule of three sum : three of the four
objects of which we speak are known ; and it might seem very
reasonable to deduce the nature of the fourth. And in fact
on the Nereid monument, personages already recognised as
deceased ancestors are seated.

Milchhoefer further maintains that there is no precedent for
assuming that the deities of Olympus can be depicted on a
monument the nature of which is clearly sepulchral. To which
argument we may add another in the fact that the objects
offered on the Lycian monument are not such as were presented
to the Olympian gods, but all have a chthonian character. In

^ A poor engraving of it in the * Mon, d, Inst, vi. 30,

AnnaZi delV Inst. 1844, p. 150.

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142 A SEPULCHRAL RELIEF FROM TARENTUM.

fact the objects in the hands of the seated figures on the Harpy-
tomb and of their suppliants are nearly those which we find on
the Spartan monuments. One of the seated figures holds the
patera, the receptacle for incense, one an apple or pomegranate
and a flower, while another holds a fruit in each hand. A
dove, a cock, a flower and a pomegranate are the offerings
brought to the ladies by their votaries. A seated male figure
receives the, to him, more appropriate gift of arms, arms which
remind us of those sometimes suspended on the wall in the reliefs
of which we have above spoken. It might perhaps be replied
that as we know so little about the religion of the Lycians, we
must be cautious in applying to the reliefs on their tombs
arguments taken from Greek religious custom ; but here again
the close likeness between the reliefs of Lycian and those of
Peloponnesian tombs forbids us to suppose that they can belong
to entirely diflferent classes of representations embodying diverse
religious reliefs.

This theory then seems very promising ; but before we accept
it, we must wait until its author, or some other archaeologist,
takes it up in detail, and furnishes us with an exact and well-
reasoned explanation of the diflferent groups represented on the
four sides of the tomb. That the tomb should have been erected
in honour of three men and two women is not likely. Nor is it
the custom of early art to represent worshipper and worshipped
as of the same stature ; but on the Harpy-tomb, standing and
seated figures are nearly of the same size. We require also
fuller explanation of the mysterious harpies themselves, and
the prey they are bearing away ; for we can scarcely subscribe
to Milchhoefer s view that they are merely inserted to indicate
a locality — ^the under world. There thus opens before us an
interesting problem, one of many which recent excavations in
Greece have suggested: and I cannot but hope that in the
future our universities, with their new interest in archaeology,
may produce followers of Oedipus bold enough to attempt, and
able enough to solve them.

Percy Gardner.

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ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 143

ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

Supplement I.
[Plate XLVIIL]

When I published my book on the Ancient Marbles in Cheat
Britain (Cambridge, University Press, 1882), I was fully
convinced that the catalogue there given would be susceptible
of many corrections and supplements. But the hope I expressed
in the preface, that I should be informed of marbles existing in
private collections which might have escaped my notice by
their owners or other competent persons, has completely failed ;
nor have I become aware of publications concerning this matter.
Nevertheless, I cannot help thinking that there must be in
Great Britain a good deal of hidden treasure of the kind, which
would perhaps easier come to light if there were a place
expressly destined to receive such communications. Now,
there can be no doubt that no place would be more appropriate
to the purpose than the Journal of Hellenic Studies, I have
therefore ventured to propose to the Editors to open in this
Journal a comer for storing up such supplements and corrections.
As a first instalment, I here offer some notes which may begin
the series, and which can be continued. May other lovers and
students of classic art, especially in Great Britain, follow my
example.

Beoom Hall (Scotland, Fife).

This seat of the Earl of Elgin, a few miles distant from the
venerable old town of Dunfermline, contains a small collection
of Greek marbles which, with the kind permission of the owner,

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144 ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

I had an opportunity of examiniDg some months ago. Although
my hope of discovering among the reliefs some hitherto unknown
fragment of the Parthenon has failed, still some of the marbles
are deserving of particular attention. They are arranged along
the walls of the spacious hall, adorned with a large portrait of
the Athenian Lord Elgin, of whose labours in Greece these
remains, too, are the result. As they were not comprised in
the collection oflfered for sale to the nation in 1816, they may
have been brought to Scotland at a later time. As a matter of
fact. Lord Elgin, when examined, in February 1816, by the
Committee of Parliament appointed for the acquisition of his
marbles, expressed his belief that even after a large additional
consignment of about eighty cases, which had reached England
towards the end of 1812, there had arrived more cases during
his absence from the country.^ With this supposition seems to
agree what I shall observe below on no. 5 ; nor has any one of
the inscriptions at Broom Hall (except no. 25, which had been
copied beforehand in its original place) been mentioned either
in Visconti's Catalogue of the Elgin Marbles or anywhere else,
which would certainly have been the case if they had been at
London at the time of the sale of the main collection. Thus,
this as it were posthumous part of the Elgin Marbles has been
separated from the rest and, being a little out of the way, has
remained nearly unknown up to the present day. Perhaps,
according to that Athenian belief mentioned by Hobhouse,^ one
might still to-day hear the Arahim inclosed in these marbles
groaning and sighing for their fellow-spirits exposed to public
admiration in the splendid Elgin Room of the British Museum.

The- description begins to the right of the main entrance,
following the order of the actual arrangement. A few fragments
of no consequence have been omitted.

1. Fragment of frieze. At the lower border remains of a very
small denticulation, the individual denticles measuring but
0*02 m. in width and height. The only part remaining of the
sculpture is a female kneeling towards the right on her right
knee ; she wears a chiton, which leaves nude the right shoulder
and breast, and an ample mantle. The head and neck, part of
the shoulder, and the arms which were stretched forward, are

^ See Report of Committeef p. 44. ^ Journey, i. p. 348 ■= Lord Brough-

Michaelis Parthenon, p. 861. ton, Travels, i. p. 300.

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ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 145

wanting, as is part of the left leg. Relief pretty high (0*065 m.)
and round, workmanship not very refined. Pentelic marble.
H. 0-38. L. 0-30.

2. Fragment of archaic femaie fig^crCj apparently part of a
relief, though nothing of the background has been preserved.
The sculpture, the real archaic character of which cannot be
doubted, shows a draped female of very broad proportions, from
the neck down to the knees. She presents herself in full face
and rests on the left leg, around which the chiton forms stiff
perpendicular folds ; the right leg is a little advanced, and a
portion of the drapery near the right thigh proves that the
chiton was lifted up and grasped by the right hand, according
to a scheme of composition very favourite in archaic art. The
upper part of the chiton falls down to the waist, forming a stiff
mass, almost without folds, in which the bosom is but very
slightly marked ; below it, instead of the beautiful row of folds
usual in later times (for instance in the Eirenfe of the Munich
Glyptothek), a narrow straight roll of drapery is visible, treated
in an equally plain way. One may compare a similar treatment
in the Hestia Giustiniani of the Museo Torlonia.^ Both the
arms were lowered, but are broken off; so is the head and the
lower part of the legs. As to composition, such figures may be
compared as those on the aJcroterion of the temple of Aegina ; *
as to style, I know no better example than the famous Chiara-
monti relief of the Graces,* and its Athenian companions. The
marble is certainly not Pentelic, but rather Parian, though a
little greyish in colour, and of a somewhat large grain. H. 070,
from the pit of the nape to the waist 024, from the waist to
the right knee 0*35. Width of the opening of the chiton
at the neck 022, of the chiton near the waist 019. The
relief projects from the ground about 009, measured at the
breast.

3. Capital of column. Below leaves of acanthus, above them
a row of palm-leaves, at the top a plinth. H. of capital 0*32,
of plinth 0*075. Comp. no. 26. A similar capital, attributed

^ Brann, Kwnstmythologie, PI. 83. • Cavacoppi, BaecoUay iL 13. Arch»

Muller-Wieseler, Denkm&ler, i. 30, Zeiiung, 1869, PI. 22. Cf. Benndorf,

338a. ibid. p. 53. Furtwangler, Athen. Mit-

* For more examples compare Arch. tlveil. 1878, p. 181. Petersen, Mittheil.

Zeilung, 1864, p. 137. aus Oesterr. 1881, p. 52.
H.S. — VOL. V. L

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146 ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

to the * Tower of the Winds* is to be seen in Stuart and
Revett, Antiq. of Athens, i. pi. 16, fig. 1.

4. Tvjo feet, vfith saxidsih ; each separate.

5. Marble throne with reliefs, Publ. by Stackelberg, Graber
der Hellenen, p. 33, from whose engravings the group of the
rvpavvoKTovoc has often been repeated, for instance. Arch. Zeit.
1859, pi. 127, 3. Hon, dtlV Inst. viii. pi. 46, 2. Overbeck,
Gesch. d. Plastik, i. p. 119, fig. 15 &, 3 ed. Murray, Hist, of
Greek Sculpt, I. p. 172. Mitchell, Eist, of Anc, Sculpt., p. 286.
When Stackelberg was at Athens (probably in 1810), he found
the throne ' on the site of the ancient pry taneion ' (that is to
say the old Metropolis), and in the letterpress of his work,
published in 1837, he expressed the opinion that probably the
marble would still be at its original place. None of the
travellers, however, who visited Athens afterwards, seem to
have seen the monument ; and indeed, W. R. Hamilton, in his
Memorandum on the Subjects of the Earl of Elgin's JPiirsuits
in Greece, which was first privately printed in 1811, mentions
our chair of marble as having passed into Lord Elgin's pos-
session (p. 32 = p. 33 of the edition of 1815). Evidently
Lusieri, Lord Elgin's agent, had meanwhile made the acquisition
of the marble, and afterwards sent it to England. Here it had
been utterly lost sight of, notwithstanding its considerable
historical importance, and although Benndorf (-4rcA. Zeit, 1869,
p. 106, note 2) had justly inferred from Hamilton's words that
the monument had been transported to England. Now at last
it reappears in Scotland. Plate XL VIII. shows the two relics,
photographed from wet paper impressions which I have taken
from the originals, and reduced to about two-thirds of the real
size; on the original, the standing figures, measured from
the top of the head to the giound, are 0*20 — 0*21 high.
Though the impressions have been a little pressed, they will
still be distinct enough to show the style and the details of the
groups. The reliefs are extremely flat, scarcely more than
drawings, the outlines being scratched with the chisel and
separated from the surrounding ground by a kind of flat groove
scraped into the marble. A similar system is shown in the
representation of the muscles and other important parts of •the
body, although they are indicated with considerable clearness
and strength; the drapery, too, is not modelled in relief but

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ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 147

indicated only by deep incised lines. One may compare the
workmanship of the reliefs on the throne of the priest of
Dionysos Eleuthereus, discovered in the Athenian theatre, or
of certain Attic sepulchral reliefs (Conze in Sitzungsber. d.
preu88. Akad. 1882, p. 669). — In the group of Harmodios and
Aristogeiton, the archaic character of the original has been in
some details better preserved by the sculptor, than one might
conjecture from Stackelberg's drawing. The beard of Aristo-
geiton, for instance, is longer and more pointed ; in the head of
Harmodios the truly archaic length of the inferior part of the
countenance is well rendered; the folds of Aristogeiton's
cloak are simpler, more distinct and rectilinear, more like
those of the Naples statue recognised by the late Friederichs
[Arck, Zeit, L cU). The right forearm of Harmodios, which is
broken off on the marble, has been restored by Stackelberg, but
hardly in the right way, the sword being much too long, as the
comparison with the sword in Aristogeiton's hand will suflSce to
prove. I have little doubt that the arm originally was con-
siderably more bent, as indeed it appears on the Athenian
tetradrachmae already compared by Stackelberg ; a conjecture
borne out also by the movement of the body in the Naples
statue, which is so much bent back, that evidently the artist did
not choose the moment in which the youth is already striking
the blow, but the preceding moment in which he is lifting his
arm in order to strike. Another inaccuracy in Stackelberg*s
drawing consists in Aristogeiton's left band, the joint of which
on the original is not so close to the mantle as on the drawing.
Thus it may be that the very faint traces which appear
on the ground beneath the hand, parallel to the mantle,
belong to the sheath of the sword which is clearly visible on
some of the other copies (see Benndorf, Arch. Zeit, 1869,
p. 106; Wiener Vorlegebldtter, ed. by Conze, vii. tav, 7, 6 and 6).
Finally, the two advanced legs are more separated from one
another on the marble than in Stackelberg's drawing. — The
group, on the opposite side of the chair is in higher relief and
better preservation; unfortunately the paper impression has
more suffered from pressing. Here again Stackelberg's draw-
ing does not do full justice to the artistic merits of the
sculpture- On the marble the energy of the movement of
the youthful warrior is rendered with much greater vigour,

L 2

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148 ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

the line of the uplifted arm is more strained, the body
shows a greater development of muscular exertion, the posi-
tion of the falling woman is less weak. Nowhere appears
the slightest trace of archaism ; consequently the original
of this relief will have belonged to another period of Greek
art than that of the other relief. This suggestion is corro-
borated by the whole composition. The female body in its
falling position reminds us strongly of the fine torso of an
Amazon in the Borghese Palace at Rome (Mon, delV Inst ix.
37) ; one may also compare one of the groups of the Phigaleian
frieze (Mtis. Marbles, iv. 19) where, however, the movement of
the Amazon is put in closer connexion with the attack of the
conqueror. These analogies appear to me to point also to the
true meaning of the composition. The interpretation given in
the Memorandum with reference to the death of Lesena is
not in concordance with the details of the composition ; Stackel-
berg's explanation of the group as King Erechtheus immolating
his daughter Chthonia to the weal of the country is contradicted
by the youthful age of the beardless warrior. Why not recog-
nise one of the most popular Attic myths, Theseus slaying the
Amazon ? a subject which forms a most adequate companion
to the heroic exploit of the two friends who t6v rvpavvov
KTaverrjv laopofiov^ t' ^kdrjva^ iiroirja-dTrjv, — As to the inscription
on the broken upper edge of the support of the chair, I am sorry
to confess that I noticed only the beginning, BOHOO^AIOA,
but overlooked the concluding letters |0^ given by Stackelberg.
Thus I am unable to say how many letters may have disappeared
in the gap between the two fragments, and whether Stackel-
berg's supplement AtoB[copov u]/o? may be right. The letters,
as will be seen on the plate, are incised in broad deep lines ; the
O with a point, not a stroke, and the slightly divergent legs
of the t, indicate the anteroman period. Pentelic marble.

6. Sepulchral steU of Myttion, The top is entirely plain ; it
forms a triangle of rather high proportions. Along the two
sloping edges faint traces of a painted kymation are visible; but
what is more remarkable, on the horizontal stripe which runs
just above the field of the relief, is clearly preserved an in-
scription, the letters of which are not as usually incised but
were painted, and still show a clear smooth surface, easily
distinguishable from the surrounding ground which, not having

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ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 149

been protected by the colour, is entirely corroded. The letters
are MYTTION (distinctly thus, not Mvpriov); before the M
there is a rough spot, but no letter seems to have perished.
The name, hitherto unknown, is rather an equivocal one, comp.
Hesych. /xi/tto?* ivveo^, xal to yvvaiKciov, Painted inscriptions
on tombstones are not unheard of (comp. Boss, Arch. Aufs.
i. p. 43), but rarely do we meet with an example so well
preserved as that of Myttion. From this analogy I have little
doubt that a number of sepulchral reliefs which to-day appear
to be uninscribed, once bore inscriptions in painted letters. — The
middle part of the stel6 contains the flat relief, without any
border at the sides. A girl is represented, with short curly hair,
walking to the right in a very uncommon dress. Over a long
ungirdled chiton, she wears a stiff and plain jacket or caftan
which goes down to her knees, with long sleeves, exactly like
those worn to-day by the Albanian women. Her right hand,
with outstretched index, hangs down ; in the left she holds a
small bird. At the lower extremity of the field are some traces
of red colour.— The lowest part of the steli is but roughly
worked, because it was meant to be covered by the ground.
— The stel^, with its very simple shape (comp. no. 16) and the
modest treatment of the relief, seems to belong to the beginning
of the fourth century. Pentelic marble. H. 071 (top 0*14
field 0-375, lower part 0-195). W. above 0*275, beneath 0*295,
the slab tapering considerably.

7. Fragment of relief, apparently votive, A plain border, 006
wide, indicates that the fragment belongs to the right extremity.
The only sculpture remaining is a stately woman, turned to the
left, draped with girdled chiton and a cloak which covers the
head and the legs ; a comer of it is held by the left hand. The
right arm, outstretched horizontally, is broken oflf, and so is the
head and the lower part of the legs. The workmanship, which
may belong to the third century, is a little more detailed than is
usual in Attic reliefs; the marble is Greek, but not Pentelic.
H. 0*44. W. 0*25. H. of relief over the ground about
003.

8. Fragment of sepulchral steU. On the upper half, to the left,
a female is sitting to the right on a chair with footstool ; she
wears chiton and mantle, which veils her head, holds her left in
the lap, and stretches her hand to a man, apparently bearded,

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150 ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

standing opposite her. He is draped in a cloak which leaves
the breast uncovered, one end of which, falling down from the
left shoulder, he grasps witli the left. Between the two, a
bearded man, similarly clothed, stands full face ; his left arm
leans on a staff (not indicated in relief), and the right hand rests
on it. The heads of both the men are partly broken away with
the upper part of the stel^. Beneath this relief, treated in a
flat and sketchy style, the upper part of an amphora is visible,
in very flat relief; the rest is broken off. Pentelic marble.
H. 0-44 (upper part O'Sl). W. 0*35.

9. Top of a sepulchral stelL The uppermost part, with gently
curved outline, is decorated with delicate rolls and flowers, in
very flat relief; below a simple cornice. Of the relief itself
there remains only a girl's head, with long rich hair, a little
bent, in high relief, but much injured. Date, the beginning of
the fourth century. Pentelic marble. H. 0*32 (0-20 and 0*12).
W. 0-38.

10. Sepulchral steU of Chairippe. Above a simple pediment.
Below it, on the slab, the inscription : —

XAIPIPPHiEYcDPANoPo^
A AMPTPEXlt

Square field, with indication in outline of the capitals of the
two antse, to left and to right. A female, draped in chiton and
mantle, unveiled, sits to right on a chair with footstool, and
stretches her right hand to a bearded man standing opposite
her, nearly as the woman in no. 8. The slab is broken at the
lower end. Pentelic marble, very white on account of its
being rubbed. The relief is flat ; the style a little overworked
and somewhat dry ; apparently of the third century. H. 0*81.
W. above 0*41, below 0*39.

11. Large sepulchral relief of Theogenis, Nikodemos and
Nikomachdy in the beautiful high relief style of the fourth
century. The head of the two females (much damaged) entirely
detached from the ground. To the right, Nikomach^, draped as
usual, unveiled, is sitting to the left, and gives her hand to the
beautiful Theogenis standing opposite her, and draped in the
same way ; her left hand grasps a comer of the cloak near her
breast. In the background, between the two females, the
bearded Nikodemos stands full face, his breast not covered by

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ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 151

the mantle, which falls down from his left shoulder and covers his
legs. His right arm is crossed before his stomach ; four fingers
of his left hand appear, awkwardly attached to his left upper
arm; they hold an alabastron which hangs from a strip of
leather. The lower part of the figures, from beneath the knees,
is wanting. Two antae support an extremely low architrave,
with an equally low pediment; on the small cornice which
separates them are traces of a painted kymation. On the
architrave the names OEOTENI^ and NIKOAHMO^ PO-
AYAAO (the omission of the final Y indicates the first p^rt of
the fourth century) ; at the right end of the architrave, the place
being wanting for the name of the sitting female, it was written
in smaller letters on the horizontal geison of the pediment:
NIKOMAXH. Pentelic marble. H. 101 (pediment 0205,
architrave 0035, remainder of relief 087). W. of pediment
0-925, of architrave 0'90, of relief 0'90. Elevation of relief
above the ground O'll.

12. Sepulchred relief of hoy and child, with well-preserved
pediment, below which the cornice shows remains of a painted
kymation. On the slab itself, above the relief, faint traces of
colour may indicate a painted inscription. In the square field,
a youth enveloped in a cloak, which leaves uncovered part of
the breast and the right arm, stands to the left, and ofiers with
his right hand a bird to a little boy standing to the right, and
likewise draped with a cloak, who looks up to the youth, and
stretches out his right arm in order to receive the bird ; in his
left hand he holds a small object, apparently a cup. The relief,
O'Ol m. above the ground, is more rounded than in the case of
no. 10, but the execution is not refined. Preservation excellent.
At the bottom of the slab the peg is preserved, which served to
fix the marble on to some pedestal. H. 0*90 (relief 48).
W. 0-405 (relief 0-285— 0*305).

13. Upper end of steU of Aridokleia, Semi-circular akro-
terion with elegant tendrils in very flat relief. From a leaf of
acanthus spinosa, emerge gently curved twigs, symmetrically
arranged, ending in reed-like leaves, and interspersed with
various flowers. Beneath this anthemion of a rather uncommon
pattern, runs a band with a slightly scratched inscription
E"^ ^YAAAPINA (the beginning means rather EY0 than
EX 60) ; the palseographical character which indicates about

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152 ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

the second century B.C., proves this inscription to be a later
addition. Below, an architrave with the original inscription,
API^TOKAEA. Unfortunately, of the relief, nothing remains
except a small portion of a head in high relief. The stelfe
belongs to the end of the fifth, or the beginning of the fourth
century. H. OSS. W. 0*44.

14. Sinall sepulchral relief of two females^ broken at the top
and below ; nearly the whole relief is preserved. To the left, a
female, draped with chiton and mantle, raising her left arm, is
seated on a chair with foot-stool, and stretches her right hand
towards a tall young girl standing opposite her. She wears a
dress very common with Attic virgins, viz., a chiton, the upper
part of which is girdled and falls down to the knees; narrow
strings are crossed before the breast, a small shawl-like mantle
hangs down at her back, and her left hand grasps a comer of
it (compare for instance a fine akroterion from Trachones, with
a similar figure in high relief, at Athens). The flat relief may
belong to the third rather than to the fourth century. Much
corroded. H. 0-40. W. 0*425.

15. Fragment of a (votive?) relief, forming the right end of
the composition. An imposing female figure stands full face,
draped in the Attic chiton, a small mantle hanging from the
left shoulder and over the right arm, which rests on the hip.
The left elbow leans on a narrow pillar. Relief tolerably high,
a little corroded ; the style is simpler and more Attic than that
of no. 7. I forgot to take the measures.

16. Fainted steU of Kollion, with triangular top like no. 6.
The whole slab is plain, without any part sculptured in relief.
On the upper part, one distinguishes a painted pediment with
akroteria, and beneath a painted kymation. Below this, in the
field, is an inscription in roughly cut letters of irregular shape
KO AAI flN. The field at first appears to be empty, but on closer
inspection, the smooth surface and some slight traces of colours
allow us to recognise distinctly the outlines of a very nice compo-
sition, the ground around the figures being corroded by the
weather. To the right, a youth stands in a gentle attitude ; he is
naked, except for a small chlamys, which covers like a shawl the
left shoulder and arm, and the right arm. The left hand holds a
staflf which leans slantwise on the upper arm. In the outstretched
right hand the youth holds a small bird. He looks down to a small

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ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 153

boy sitting on the ground, who leans on his left arm and endea-
vours to lift his body ; he looks upwards and stretches out his
right arm, desirous to graejp the bird. The group is a very fine
specimen of the Attic talent for genre scenes, and reminds
us of many similar compositions on painted vases. (For painted
sepulchral stelae, compare Ross Arch, Aufs, i. p. 29, 40.
Michaelis in the Berichte d. sacks, Ges, d, Wm,, 1867, p. 113.
Loschcke Athen, Mitth, 1879, p. 37. Milchhoefer ibid. 1880,
p. 164. Pottier, Bull, de corresp. Hell. 1884, p. 159. L.
Gurlitt in Histor, u, philol. Aufscitze JS. Curtius gewidmet,
p. 151.) Pentelic marble of superior quality. H. 0*61. W.
0-255.

17. Sepulchral steU vnth two youths. The upper end is broken.
The field is flanked by narrow edges. Two youths, clad in
mantles, which leave uncovered the right breast and arm, stand
opposite to one another, holding hands. The youth to the left
grasps his mantle near the left breast. The noble style which
recalls certain reliefs like those engraved in Bouillon Music
des ant., iii. cijypes choisls, PI. 1, 6. 2, 12, seems to point to the end
of the fifth century. Pentelic marble. H. 070. W. 0-38.
Elevation of relief above the ground, 0025.

18. Fragment of relief with warlike scenes. A warrior, with
strap and hilt of sword visible, is sinking down and is held from
behind by a comrade, whose hands are clasped together before
the breast of the wounded warrior. The standing warrior wears
a corslet. Only the upper parts of both figures are preserved.
Of a third figure to the right, there remains only the right
hand holding a spear. The style is late, apparently Roman,
but the fragment seems not to belong to a sarcophagus, nor
is the subject mythological, but rather taken from real life.
Pentelic marble. H. 0* 28. W. 0* 33. Elevation of relief
0-10.

19. Sepulchral relief of Aphrodisia of Salamis. The pedi-
ment, with completely preserved akroteria, is adorned with a
shield. The field, flanked by columns, contains two females,
both seen full face. To the left, the smaller one, of rather heavy
proportions, wears chiton and cloak ; left hand lowered, right
arm crossing the stomach ; hair aiTanged in parallel lines. To
the right a priestess of Isis, clad as usual in a chiton and a
fringed mantle, holds a sistrum in her uplifted right, an ewer

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154 ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

in the lowered left hand. On the architrave is the inscrip-
tion —

MVOAlZlAOAYJi^UOY n ATAKIJMAP^A

The inscription to the left is incised with great care, the other
in coarser characters, in harmony with the barbarous words.
According to Professor Duemichen, the second name is Egyptian,
composed oipat (jpet, h&pov) and Anaiath = ^Avalri^, so that the
meaning of the whole name would be similar to that of the first
woman. As to the second line, I have no explanation to oiBfer.
Common style of imperial time, when tombstones of priestesses
of Isis abound. H. 0* 90. W. 0* 62.

20. Fragment of late sepulchral relief. Upper part of a man,
apparently beardless, clad in chiton and cloak, seen full face.

21. Small sepulchral relief The pediment is wanting ; antae
at either side. Between them, to the left a fully draped and
veiled female is sitting on a chair, on which a cushion is lying,
with a footstool before it. Her feet are crossed ; her left hand
grasps the veil, her right is stretched out towards a man (head
wanting), partly enveloped in his mantle ; his left arm hangs
down. Between them, inothe background, a servant is visible,
holding in her arms a baby swaddled, and with a large cap on
its head (comp. Arch. Zeit. 1845, PI. 34). Excellent specimen
of the beautiful style, of that severer description which prevails
at the end of the fifth or the beginning of the fourth century ;
the modest dimensions agree with it. The two main figures
are rendered in high relief (about 007), particularly the head
of the woman. H. 0- 69. W. 535.

22. Large Greek sarcophagus. The firont is adorned with two
rich festoons, which are fixed at the corners on a bull's head, and
held in the middle by a flying boy. In each of the two fields
above the festoons is a head of a youthful Satyr, with pointed
ears, ruffled hair, small horns, and two slight tufts of beard at
the chin. On each of the sides is a similar festoon, hanging
from two bulls' heads, with a lion's head above it. The back
being put against the wall cannot be examined ; probably it is
without reliefs. The cover is shaped like a roof covered with
leaves; in the middle of the two pediments are two prominences

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ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 165

so battered that it is impossible to make out their original form ;
at each of the comers is an akroterion. On the front the archi-
trave which forms part of the cover, contains an inscription in
beautiful deeply-cut letters of the imperial epoch, in one line :

AlAlOZEniKPATHZBEPENlKlAHZAlAlOYZHNnNOZ
TOYEIHrHTOYYIOZ^

(A certain Atkio^ ZiJvodv Bc/oci/t^/ft;? was dyoDvoOirtf^ r&v
'EiriviKlmv between 197 and 207 A.D., see C. I. Att, iii. 1171,
i. 27; 1173, 10; cp. 1171, i. 69; 1172, 10. Dittenberger in
Hermes xii p. 11.) Grey maible. H. 1*05 (sarc. 0*62, cover
0-43). L. 1-95. D. 0-76.

23. Sepulchral steU of two females, A simple slab, tapering
considerably, without any architectural feature ; the top, now
missing, may probably have been of semi-circular shape. In
the midst of the slab is the flat relief. A girl, fully draped,
with the hair turned up in a tuft behind, holding in her lap en-
veloped in the cloak her left hand, is sitting to right and holding
the hand of a tall and slender veiled female who stands opposite
her in a rather stiflf position, reminding us of an elSfoXov. The
style is similar to that of the sepulchral marble vases, or of
certain painted stelae. The sitting figure is of better work
and higher relief. Pentelic marble. H. 0* 57. W. 0* 44—0* 48.
Figures h. 0- 26.

24. Fragment of a large relief, perhaps sepulchral. Upper
part of a man, fully draped, the right arm crossed before the
stomach. Marble apparently Parian. About life-size.

25. Fragment of an in^ription, complete at the top, broken
at the other three sides ; edited by Boeckh C. I. Gr. 2424.

o]AAMOZOMAAinNZ[Toi/ Belva
S]inYPOYTONEYEPrETA[i/ CTZ/Aiycre
r-FIO'x«iAXPYZ^

The remains of the last line are not clear ; they do not allow
us to read simply aT€<f)dvq> ')(pv(T£, nor is Boeckh's supplement
\<n€<j>dv(p apialreitp airo ')(pva&\y, &c., in harmony with the
distinguishable traces. The palaeography indicates Roman
times. Will. Turner {Journal of a T&iir in Greece, 1820, I. p.
34) saw the marble in the island of Melos.

26. Capital of column, companion to no. 3.

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156 ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

27. Doric capital, of late style. The echinos low and
rectilinear, four anuli in the shape of rolls or tori, twenty
flutings,

28. JSypotrachelion of a column, similar to those of the
columns of the Erechtheion, but of inferior workmanship. A
band decorated with anthemia, above it an astragalos, at the
top an ovolo or kymation. H. 0* 22 (0* 15 + 0' 015 + 0* 055).
Diameter at the top 0' 50.

Besides these marbles, there is at Broom Hall a small
number of painted vases of little consequence. The following
may be mentioned : —

29. Two-handled cup, with geometrical patterns of very simple
description : parallel lines, zigzag, cross, &c.

30. Cover of a pyxis, decorated with three separate compart-
ments divided by lozenges. A girl standing near a box, another
near a chair, the third bearing a basket. Graceful compositions ;
red figures.

31. Small pitcher with one handle. Winged youth flying,
bears a box, a mirror and a bunch of grapes.

32. Small hrater (" oxybaphon "). Front, a youth turning to
right, and bearing in his right a spear, half hidden behind his
horse which he holds by the bridle. Back (of worse execution),
a boy with shield, running to left and holding a helmet on his
outstretched right hand.

33. Krater of the same shape, larger and of better execution.
Front, three youths, reclining at a banquet; before them a
young servant, with a trowel (rpurjXi^) in his hand; in the
middle a female flute-player, draped, painted white. Back,
figures enveloped in their cloaks.

Nos. 31 — 33 show the style of Magna Graecia.

Edinburgh.

A personal examination of the antique sculptures in the
Antiquarian Museum (April, 1884), enables me to give a fuller
and more trustworthy description of them- than that given in
my Anc. Marbles, p. 298—300. The greater part of Lord
Murray's antiquities is now incorporated into the Museum.

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ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 157

The plain numbers are those of the 'Catalogue/ division ^/
those in brackets are my own addition.

1. Statue of youthful Asklepios, from Cyrene, very much like
the statue, also from Cyrene, recently published by Mr. W.
Wroth in this Journal, iv. p. 46, with the only exception that
a large triangular corner of the hinmtion hangs down from the
hips, the edge of it going slantwise from the right hip to the
left knee. The youthful head of the god looks up a little
towards his left. The long and wavy hair falls down to the neck ;
part of it covers a portion of the forehead. On the head lies
a twisted roll, and on it rests a very low Jcalathos (edge broken).
Right arm broken at the shoulder and at the wrist, but antique ;
fingers of left hand which hangs down, and head of serpent
wanting. The statue is otherwise in good preservation. The
best part of it is the ideal-looking head ; the treatment of the
nude part shows an empty smoothness, that of the drapery
wants clearness and simplicity in the folds across the stomach,
in other parts it is rather poor. The height (4 feet 2 inches
= 1*27 m.) is nearly the same as in the Cyrenaean statue of the
British Museum (4 feet 5^ inches = 1*37 m.). It is evident
that both these statues refer to a representation of the god of
health favourite in Cyrene.

2. Statuette of youth, resting on his left leg, the right leg being
bent backward. The upper part of the body is nude, the inferior
part enveloped in a mantle which forms a kind of roll across the
stomach, and a comer of which is lying on the left shoulder.
Left hand on hip ; the part from the middle of the upper arm
to the wrist is wanting, and so is the whole right arm which
was lowered, as is indicated by a puntello at the right thigh.
Head wanting. Near the left leg a trunk, on which the
drapery falls down. Insignificant work. H. 0*50. From
Cyrene.

3. Fragment of votive relief For description see Anc, Marbles.
The relief is tolerably high and round. The workmanship is
certainly finished, but does not show great delicacy; the.com-
position is good throughout. It may belong to the end of the
fourth, or the beginning of the third century. Unfortunately
the relief being hidden behind a large glass-chest, a more
minute examination is impossible. H. 0* 77. L. about 0'68.
From Cyrene.

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158 ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

12. Female head, pleasing and rather youthful. The wavy-
hair is simply brushed back, but not d la Ghinoise; a plain
mantle veils the upper and back part of the head. The style
reminds us of Attic sepulchral monuments of the fourth centuiy.
Nose a little battered. Tips of ear perforated for earrings.
Parian marble of yellowish colour. H. 0'23. L. of face 0'15.
From Gyrene.

13. Head of bearded Dionysos, Along the forehead three rows
of button-like curls; beard long, of conventional style; hair
long, falling down to the neck. Probably part of a term.
Insignificant work. H. 0*23. L. of face about 0*15. From
Gyrene.

14. Veiled female head, similar to no. 12, but less well
executed and more defaced, the whole of the nose and part of
the left cheek wanting. Greyish Parian marble. H. 0*28. L.
of face 0*19. From Gyrene.

15. *^ Female head, braided hair, crowned with ivy, marble,
imperfect — Gyrene." Thus the Gatalogue ; I have not found it.

16. Bust of Julius Caesar, of excellent preservation, only the
back part of the left ear being restored, the right cheek, the
chin, the tip of the nose, and the left eyebrow battered, the neck
broken and patched ; modern is also the pedestal. The thin
and slightly crisped hair, very superficially executed, covers the
whole cranium and goes down to the neck. The modelling of
the forehead is a little overdone, the wrinkles above the nose
somewhat contracted ; the eyes lie very deep and are stern-
looking ; nose very thick, and so are the lips ; the whole part
around the mouth, with its wrinkles of rather indistinct form,
produces an efiect of bad humour. The execution of the eyes,
the lids, the inner comers, looks very modem, and generally the
feebleness and indistinctness of all the details is scarcely con-
sistent with antique art. The marble seems to be Greek,
perhaps Parian, at any rate of very fine grain. Life size. Where
General Ramsay bought the bust is not known.

16.* (In the Museum, E \Q). Terra-cotta relief of Dionysos,
painted like rosso antico. At the upper edge of the fragment,
part of a cornice; below a fig branch. Of the relief itself
remains only the head of youthful Dionysos, crowned with ivy,
looking down with a noble expression of thoughtfulness. All
the rest is wantincr. H. 027. L. 0*20. L. of face 0-05.

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ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 159

Formerly in Lord Murray's collection, see Anc. Marbles, p. 299,
no. 3.

17. Portrait statue, resting on the left leg, and enveloped in
a cloak, which covers the whole body down from the breast to
the feet and is doubled before the stomach, the lower edge
slanting from the right thigh towards the left knee. A comer
banging down from the left shoulder is grasped by the left hand.
The whole arrangement has some similarity to that of the so-
called Zeno of the Capitoline Museum. Right arm lowered ; in
the right hand a roll, but half of the forearm and the hand are
replaced and perhaps a modem restoration. The neck is in-
serted ; however, the beardless portrait head with fat cheeks
seems to be antique and to belong to the body. Common
Eoman sculpture. H, about 0*50. (From the bequest of Sir
James Erskine to the Royal Institution ? See Anc. Marbles,
p. 299, R. Inst. no. 2).

20. Small bearded head, with gloomy expression, apparently
a portrait. H. about 014.

[24'.] Statuette of a little girl, draped in a double chiton which
is girded very high ; narrow strings fasten the chiton at the
shoulders (comp. the ' Fates ' of the Parthenon). The left hand
holds a roll before the bosom, the lowered left grasps the edge
of the overhanging part of the chiton. The big head is portrait-
like ; the short hair, gently curled, goes down to the neck. The
whole figure reminds us very much of certain chubby girls on
Greek sepulchral reliefs, and suggests the idea that the statue
may have served for a similar purpose. Coarse workmanship.
H. about 0*50. "From Athens. The property of John
Tweedie, Esq., R.A." According to this notice the statue
cannot be identical to that mentioned in my Anc. Marbles,
p. 299, R. Inst. no. 1, which belongs to Sir James Erskine's
bequest.

[25.] Attic (votive ?) bas relief. A youthful horseman, clad in
chiton (?), chlamys and petasos, is dashing left on a horse much
like those of the frieze of the Parthenon. Both the hindlegs
of the horse rest on the ground, the forelegs are lifted. The
youth*s left knee is much bent and the lowered foot thrown
backwards, the right foot advanced. Before this figure there
is the remainder of another horse in rearing position, so as to
touch the ground with none of its feet ; it is much smaller, and

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160 ANCIENT MARBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN.

partly hidden by the former one ; near it the leg and part of
chlamys of a standing figure (the horseman ? a servant ?) who
seems to try to tame the rearing animal. The main figure
which is. nearly intact, is entirely of Attic character, all the out-
lines being sharply raised above the ground ; the other figure
and the second horse are treated in lower relief, as it were in
the background. The left extremity of the relief is wanting.
H. about 0*30. L. 0*40 (the relief is placed too high to take
exact measures). Probably this is the relief Waagen saw in
Lord Murray's collection, and erroneously described under two
different items (Anc, Marbl. p. 299, nos. 1 and 2).

[26.] Bronze relief of the Murray collection, no. 4 {Anc. Marbles,
p. 299), undoubtedly antique. It is a good work, in rather high
relief, and was intended to serve as an applique. H. 0*22. (The
nos. 5 — 7 of the Murray collection are not in the Museum.)

F. V. 23. Roman cippus. Square bordered front, with a
youthfiil bust clad in tunica and pallium, within a sunk field
of irregular shape. Beneath the inscription :

DIS • MANIBVS
C • IVLIO • RVFO • VIX • ANN * XVIIII * M * VI
PIENTISSIMO
PARENTES • ARAM ' POSVERVNT

H. 0-72. L. 0-64.

I add two inscriptions evidently originating from some
columbaria :

[27.] D ' M

C ' ACILIOBASSO
MEDIC ' DVPLIC
COLLEGAEEIVS

Elegantly incised letters. Ed. Proceedings Soc. Arvtiq. Scotl.,
1870—72, voL ix. p. 7. A gift from Sir Walter Simpson, Bart.,
Dec. 1870.

[28.] FAVSTILLA FLAT-I*

CLEMENTIS * SER'

PIA • ViX • AN • XX • H • S • E'

HERMEK)S CAESARIS * N • SER

TABELLAR • CONIVa * PIAE * F '

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ANCIENT MABBLES IN GREAT BRITAIN. 161

Letters of artificial character, very deeply cut Ed. Proceed-
ings, &c., 1879—80, vol. iL, new series, p. 91. From the bequest
of David Laing, LL.D., F.S.A. Scot., 12 Jan. 1880.

The most recent addition to the Museum consists of a large
collection of Attic vases, the gift of Lady Ruthven of Winton
Castle (Febr. 1884). It is particularly rich in lecythi, mostly
of small dimensions, and contains specimens of all styles, from
the older ones with brownish, and with black figures down to
those with white or with red figures, and even of the style of
Magna Graecia. Of mythological subjects I have noticed only
two; both on nasitemi with black figures on red ground: —
Herakles seizing the Centaur Nessos, from whom Deianeira is
running away with upraised arms, the whole scene flanked by
two youths with sta£fs ; and a warrior and an Amazon fighting
over a dead warrior lying on the ground, again flanked by two
warriors. (Among the older elements of the Edinburgh col-
lection, there are some very well preserved specimens of vases
with geometrical patterns, without any figures.) The two
remarkable sepidchral reliefs in Lady Ruthven's possession (see
Anc. Marbles, p. xxvi), are still at Winton Castle ; no. 1, of which
I saw a photograph in Prof. Baldwin Brown's possession, is
exceedingly fine.

Steassbtjeq. Ad. MlCHAFiTJ8>

To he continued.

H.S.— VOL. V. M

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162 I.~THE TRUMPET OF THE AREOPAGOS.

I. THE TRUMPET OF THE AREOPAGOS.

II. THE LIBATION-RITUAL OF THE EUMENIDES.

There are two diflBcult passages in the Eumenides of
Aeschylus to which it may be well to invite the attention
of Greek students in general and of archaeologists in particular.
It seems probable that the solution in each case is to be sought
from archaeology as much as from linguistic and textual
criticism.

I. The Trumpet of the Areopagos.

AescKJSwm. 666folU

It will be remembered that in the JEumenides, Athena, having
undertaken the consideration of the suit between Orestes and
his pursuers, the divine Avengeresses, pronounces the case to
be improper for decision either by herself or by a single mortal
arbitrator, and accordingly assembles and constitutes a court,
the first court on the hill of Ares, for the purpose of the trial
{Eum. 470—489). The court assembles accordingly, and Athena
opens the proceedings by causing solemn silence to be proclaimed.
There can be no doubt that the formalities and accompaniments
of this legendary institution are imitated from those actually
used in the historical tribunal. It is with this proclamation
that the present question is concerned. The passage runs as
follows (Hum. 566 foil.) :—

A0HNA, KTipvace, tcrjpv^, koI arparov KareipydOov,
€?T oiy Sid7opo<: TLvparjvi/cf)

* The references in Aeschylns are to the nnmbering of Dindorf's Poetce
Seetiiei^

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I.— THE TRUMPET OF THE AREOPAGOS. 163

a-dXTTuy^, /Sporeiov irvevfiaro^ ir\r}povfiivri,
viripTovov yijpvfjLa (f>aiviTO) arpaT^,
irXripovfihov ^ yhp TovSe fiovXevrrjpiov
aiyav apijyet xal fiaOeiy O^cfiobs; ifjboxf^, K,rX.

The second line of this citation, given as above by the
Medicean MS., is obviously defective. Over the syllable el is
written in the MS. by the same hand ^. This is to all appear-
ance a mere conjecture to remove the inappropriate eire by
substituting fj re, the copula and the article agreeing with
a-aXwiy^, and is of no consideration in point of authority. In
considering how the defect should be supplied, let us first
approach the question from the side of meaning.

If the context be examined for indications of anything wanting
to the sense, such an indication may, I think, be found in the
words jSporelov irvevfiaro^ irXrjpovfiivrj. The piercing Tyrrhene
trumpet whose note commands silence in the court of Arcopagos
Infilled taith breath of mortal man. Aa this condition is common
to the blowing of all trumpets, the mention of it appears to be
otiose, unless there was something in the character or history of
the Areopagite trumpet, which made the employment of it by
a mortal noticeable ; and moreover to justify this notice according
to the instinctive habits of literary composition this something
should naturally be indicated in the context. No such quality
appears in the epithets SiaTopo^ and Tvp<rrjpiKff, both commonly
descriptive of this species of instrument. This incompleteness
would be remedied if the trumpet, as used in the Areopagos,
was regarded as the property and gift of some divine being, and
if a place for this appropriation could be found in the defective
verse. If further we ask to what deity this gift should be
referred, we may at once say this at least, that it should be a
deity of the underworld, a Chthonian deity ; and this for two
reasons — first, all brazen instruments as such were regarded as
' Chthonian,' and were associated with the underworld. Thus
Euripides in the Helena (1346) speaks of the ' Chthonian note
of brass ' :

XaXxov T aifBhv ^Ooviav
rvirava Xdfiere Pvpcorevrj,

^ The doubt as to the correctness of this word need not be here considered.

K 2

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164 I.— THE TRUMPET OF THE AREOPAGOS.

This association is very natural, not only because the metal
of the instruments was a gift of the underworld, but also from
their hollow boom. It is no matter of conjecture that this
suggested to the Greek ear the idea of a deep and cavernous
place, for we find Euripides, when he wishes to describe the
general quality of a ' Chthonian' sound, selecting the very words
ifiapxfv ^pofiov) which are constantly applied to musical instru-
ments of this kind. In the Hippolytus (1201) at the approach
of the miraculous monster

evOev Tt9 VX^ X^^^^^^> ^^ /Spovrrj Aio^,
fiapvy Ppofiov /j.€0r]K€,

Secondly, if the trumpet, as such, might be expected to belong
to a deity of the lower world, a trumpet of the Areopagos has a
peculiar claim to this connexion, for the tribunal itself was
* Chthonian,' sanctioned and protected by the powers who
presided over the place of final judgment, as Sophokles says
(O.C. 948) by the mouth of Oedipus,

ToiovTov avToh "Apeo^ €v/3ov\ov TTuyov

TOiovdh* akrjTa^ rrfZ^ 6/iov vaUiv ^^oi//,

a passage which refers to the jurisdiction of the Areopagos over
the same question which is agitated in the JEumenides, the
moral and ceremonial purity of suppliants.

If we try further to narrow our problem, and determine
which of the Chthonian deities is best suited to the function
indicated in the lines before us, we shall scarcely hesitate in the
selection of the Chthonian Hermes ('E/>/l6^9 X06vio<:). No
other deity could well be the patron of a fcijpv^, the possessor
and giver of a herald's trumpet, than the Herald himself, the
(f>(\o^ KTJpv^, /cfjpvfcoov (ri/Sa^, as he is called in the Agamemnon^
the minister and messenger of the Chthonian Zeus. We con-
clude, then, that the requirement of sense would be satisfied if
the trumpet of the Areopagites were here described as an
attribute of '^pfirj^ X06vio^, and it accords with the conclusion
that this deity is mentioned by Pausanias among the divine
patrons of the tribunal.

Now let us approach the lacuna from the side of technical
criticism. It is notorious that one of the most frequent causes

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I.-THE TRUMPET OF THE AREOPAGOS, 165

of defect in MSS. is the occurrence of the same or similar
letters twice over, which are written only once, either by
inadvertence, or intentionally, the repetition being then indi-
cated by a mark, afterwards misunderstood and lost. It is
scarcely necessary to take space in proving or illustrating
this kind of error. Not to go beyond this same play, we read
at 944,

firfKd T evOevovvra ya

f w SiirXota-iv kfifipvoi^

Tp^(f>oi, XP^^V T€Tayfi€vip yovo^

irXovTO^Oooy epfiaiav

iatfiovfov Soaiv rioi.

The metre (cf. 924) shows that an iambus is wanting in the
third line, the sense requires a copula. Both are restored by
adding letters lost through repetition, thus,

Tpi<f>oi, xpovip T€ T^ TerayfAeptp yovo^, k.t.X,

Other instances might be given ad libitum ; in the Aeschylean
MSS. in particular very many small lacunae are due to this cause.
Upon technical grounds, therefore, there is reason to think that
where the MSS. give us etr oZv for something which must have
originally been three syllables longer, the true reading must
have nearly resembled eiTovvi,7ovv,

Combining our results we obtain the question. Can we find
the name of Hermes Chthonios in the letters €IToYNIToYN?
If so, the coincidence of two wholly independent proofs will give
a strong presumption that we were on the right track. But
Hermes Chthonios has one distinctive and proper name, and
that is 'Eptouvto?, as for example in Aristophanes, Frogs 1144 :

ET. irorep oiv top ^Ftp/JLrjv, c»9 6 irarrip dirdiXeTO
avTOv /9m/a)9 ifc yvvai/ceia^ X^P^^
SoXot9 Xadpaloi^, ravr eiroirrevetv €<f>rj ;

AI. oi) S^T iKelvo'if oKKa rov ^^piovviov
^Epfirjv x^oviov TTpoaetire, #f.T.X.

^Epiovvco^ was no doubt originally an adjective, but it is also an
independent title, as we see e.g. in Homer iZ. 24, 360, 440. Should
we not therefore restore to him, as patron of the Areopagos, the

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166 II. -THE LIBATION-RITUAL OF THE EUMENIDES.

herald's trumpet borne by his representative, the herald — or to
speak more correctly restore him to his trumpet, and write

*Ftpiovplov Bk Sidropo^ Tvpa-rjviKrf
a-dXTTty^, /SpoTciov 7rvevp.aro<; irXr^povfievrj,
viriprovov yijpv/jLa (f>aiveTa) crpaTq),

And let the piercing Tyrrhene ti^mp of JSriounios, filled with
breath of mortal man, totter to the host its lofty voice.

II. The Libation-Ritual of the Eumenides.
Aesch. Bum. 1044.

At the conclusion of the Eumenides the reconciled goddesses
are conducted by Athena and a solemn procession of citizens to
the rock-cavern on the side of the Akropolis, which was in
historical times their traditional abode and over which their
temple was built. These irpoTrofiirol accompany their march
with a brief song in two strophae and two antistrophae of
dactylic metre. The last pair are given by Dindorf thus,

XXaoi Be kuI evdv4>pov€^ ya arp.

Bevp Ire aefivaX ra TrvptBdiTTq)
XafiirdSi TcpTTOfievai xaO* oSov,
oXoXv^are vvv iirl fioXirai^;,
1044 (nrovSai S' €9 to vav evBatBe^ olkcov dm.

TIaXXdBo<; da-TOL^* Zeif^ 6 iravoirra^
ovT(o Moipd 7€ auyKari^a.
oXoXu^are vvv iirl fioXiral^.

This is the MSS. text with a few small corrections, such as the
insertion of rq, in 1041, and the omission of S' after oBov in
1042. Upon 1044 Dindorf observes that the line is corrupt, the
metre requiring a dactylic tetrameter, and this is plainly true.
In the corresponding line 1040 there is one syllable of doubtful
quantity, the second of evdv^pov€<;, but — without taking into
account the suggestion of Meincke that ev6vif>pov€f; y^ has

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II.— THE LIBATION-RITUAL OF THE EUMENIDES. 167

arisen by repetition of letters and the adoption of a gloss into
the text from an (»iginal reading, certainly much better in
rhythm, €v<t>pov€^ atq, — the metrical character of the whole song
shows that 1040^ like the rest, is dactylic, and hence that
€vdv(f}pov€^, if genuine, should have the quantity . The

metrical objection thus attaching to 1044 is reinforced from the
side of interpretation. The words, or such of them as really are
words, have in truth no meaning at all. The expression airovBal
hfSatSe^ was apparently suggested to the writer of it by the
mention of the irvplianro^ Xafiwi^^ immediately before, and is
intended to mean, as the commentators render it, libations
accompanied by torch-light, peace made by torch-light, or the like.
But this version ignores the meaning of the preposition iv.
The compound IvSai^, if it could exist, should mean either
being in a torch or hiving a torch in it. Moreover, if the word
could mean torch-lit it would remain to show that torch lit is a
proper epithet for libations in general, or if not in general, for
the special ceremonies here described and founded.

Accepting therefore the verdict that this verse is corrupt, it
remains to see whether it can be restored, or can be made to
throw upon the interesting ritual of an important Athenian
sanctuary any lights less doubtful than that of these apocryphal
torches. Seeing that the subject is clearly libation, the question
which presents itself is whether we know of any peculiarity
belonging to the Eumenides-worship elsewhere and likely
therefore to have belonged also to that in the Akropolis cavern.
Now it happens that among the ceremonial observances known
to us in the fullest detail and upon the best authority, is
precisely the ritual libation prescribed to the worshipper of the
XcfJipal at a sanctuary within near view of the Akropolis itself,
the grove at the village of Kol6nos. In the Oedipus at Kol6no$
the aged exile, desiring to propitiate the deities of the place,
receives from the chorus of natives minute instruction for the
performance of his offering. The passage {Oed, Col. 466—490)
is well known and need not be set out at length. The water to
be drawn, the vessels to be used, the manner of decorating
them, the posture of the supplicant, the composition and number
of the Ubations, are successively described. The holy water is
to be poured three times, the third libation being marked by
the addition of houey (I.e. 481), and immediately after the

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168 II.— THE LIBATION-KITUAL OF THE EUMENIDES.

pouring, " thrice-nine " twigs of olive are to be laid with both
hands upon the earth. The prayers follow —

TpU ewe avrfj xX&va^ ef ati<f>olv x^P^^^
TiOeU i\da<: rda-B' iirevx^o'Oac X*Tas\

The marked importance in this ritual of the sacred numbers
three and the square of three, suggest a correction of the
Aeschylean passage, which has, I think, some claim to be
considered decisive. Reserving for the moment the secondary
consideration of the adverb €9 to irav, I would write

cTTTovSal S' +69 TO TTav^ ii^vciBe^; ot/coDV
IlaWaSo? darol^.

The libations in your hmise are to the townsmen of Pallas nine in
number [for ever% literally are nine^. Between €NAAiA€C
and this €NNAA€C, the difference is such as the most trifling
accident would entirely obliterate. The prose form of the word
for a set of nine is ewed^s, and iwedSe^; might be read here and
Scanned as a dactyl *^by synezesis/ the *e' having the pro-
nunciation of a ' y,' as in Aeschylus not seldom. But the MSS.
reading makes it more probable that the form here used was
evvd<; (cf. ivvaerr]^, evvaerripk) ; the form elvd^, elvdBo^, which
is the Ionic-Epic correlative to evvd<$ occurs in Hesiod. It
would appear that the departure of the procession from the
stage is actually accompanied by libations, which would of course
be made according to the manner traditionally and historically
established in the Akropolis-temple. This, from the evidence
of the MSS. and the comparison of the cognate ritual at
Kol6nos, we conclude to have been according to the number
nine. It will be observed that at Kol6nos the libations were
three only, the olive twigs afterwards offered 'thrice three,'
which points to minute differences between the ritual of
the two places, such as, for the sake of their distinction
and separate importance the guardians would be likely to
maintain.

With regard to €9 to tt&v, if there were any good evidence
that the ' a ' of the uncompounded tt&v could be abbreviated in
an Attic dramatist, the context would well admit the MSS.

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II.— THE LIBATION-RITUAL OF THE EUMENIDES. 169

reading here in the sense of ' for ever/ But there is no such
evidence, elcrowiv (Linwood) might perhaps signify Jiereafter,
without the addition of p^oi'oi; which it has in Aesch. Supp. 617.
Rather more near to the MSS. would be

airovSal S* i^ Tpoirov ivvaZe^ oIk^ov,

By nines are the libations made after the fashion of your house,
and this type of corruption (the confusion of r and rp)
might be largely illustrated from the Aeschylean MSS. The
very same change, e.g. has probably taken place in Eum. 52.
The main interest of our passage is, however, unaffected by
this doubt, and it scarcely deserves further attention.

It is notorious that the numbers three and nine were im-
portimt in ritual, and we may notice a further indication that
these numbers, especially the number nine, played a prominent
part in the hbation ritual of Athens. The selection of the
water to be used for ceremonial purposes was as a rule not
arbitrary. Each cult had its appropriate river or spring from
which it was obligatory to draw. Thus in the passage of the
Oedipus already cited, Ismene, who performs the oblation on
behalf of her father, receives careful directions for finding the
Upct Kpi^vrj ' on the other side of the grove ' (see 605). Now we
know from what spring the cults of the Akropolis were served.
Thucydides informs us (2, 16) that the water used generally for
ritual purposes in Athens was that of the famous fountain
called, he says, in old times, KaWtppoi]. This, however, as
Herodotos and the same passage of Thucydides show, was not
the name by which it was known at Athens in the historical
period of antiquity. The Athenians called it ^vvedfcpovvo^
I'he Nine Wells. Thucydides alleges as the reason for this that
the Peisistratidae [oi rvpawoC) had given it this appearance by
artificial decoration (r&v rvpdvvoDv ovrco KaTaa-KevaaavTcov),
But the question arises now naturally, why was this arrange-
ment adopted ? It appears to me very probable that Thucydides,
as is often the way with positive and rationalistic minds when
dealing with the history of religious usages, has here inverted
the true order of explanation, and that the decoration of
the fountain added by the Peisistratidae was really caused by
the fact that the spring was already popularly known as

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170 II.— THE LIBATION-RITUAL OF THE EUMENIDES.

*Evv6a/rpoi;i/o9, from its use to supply the nine libations of the
Eumenidean and perhaps other rituals.^ It may be added that
as the number of apertures from which water flows in a rock
spring varies widely in dififerent states of the weather, there
would probably be little difficulty in proving that any tolerably
copious spring had 'nine founts/ if a predisposing religious
practice commended the belief to the public; and therefore
Kallirrhoe may well have been supposed naturally ninefold
long before *the despots had so arranged it.'

A. W. Verrall.

^ Compftre the magical prescription patient is to be sprinkled iiirh KfMwy&if
from the Aturi^alfju^y of Menander(Clem. rpi&v,
Alex. Strom, vii p. 303, 7), where the

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THE HESPEKIDE OF THE OLYMPIAN METOPE, ETC. 171

THE HESPERTDE OF THE OLYMPIAN METOPE AND
A MARBLE HEAD AT MADRID.

Plate XLV.

The marble head (PI. XLV. 2) in the Museum of Madrid has
elicited considerable notice, especially because of its peculiar
style; and its attempted classification in this respect has
produced much difference of opinion. Hiibner, who first ^
supposed it to be the head of Athene and then * of an Aphrodite,
thought that it must be a marble copy of a bronze original
belonging to the age of Pheidias. Friedrichs' considered it
to belong to the type of Aphrodite heads, but did not feel in a
position to assign to it a definite date. He says : * It decidedly
gives the impression of an Hellenic work, but for the more exact
dating we have no sound ground to go upon. We should only
like to remark that it does not appear to us to be older than
the fourth century, because it no longer contains traces of
the severer style/

We can well appreciate the difficulties that must have been
felt in connexion with this head, before some well identified
work was found with which it had some definite relation, and
with which it could be compared. The peculiar treatment of
the hair, especially the contrast between the undulations of
the tresses at the side and the smoothness of the crown, the
simple, almost severe character of the whole head with the
breadth of later feeling commingled with the severity, are
elements that would baffle the inquirer and the combination

* Nuove Memorie delV Jnstiiuto ' Bamteine ssttr GeschicJUe der

di Correspondenaa Archeologiea (Home, Griechisch-Bdmischen Plastik, ii. pp.

1865) pp, 34 seq, 271, seq,

^ DU Antiken von Madrid, p. 247.

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172 . THE HESPERIDE OF THE OLYMPIAN METOPE

of these in one work will be accounted for in the course of
these observations.

The identified work which furnishes the needed point of
comparison for the placing of this head is the so-called Atlas
metope from the east side of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia.
The head of the * Hesperide ' standing behind Herakles in this
metope^ is here figured on plate XLV., fig. 1, and is placed
beside the Madrid head for comparison.

Unfortunately the photographic negative for M. Dujardin's
plate, taken from the casts in the Fitzwilliam Museum of
Classical Archaeology at Cambridge, was made during my
absence, and my directions that both heads should be taken
from exactly the same point of view were not quite carried
out. The heavy cast of the metope is also somewhat high
on the wall, which made the task of taking such a photograph
more diflScult. The apparent similarities between the two
heads in our plate are therefore not so great as they are in
reality. Furthermore I would remark that the peculiar breakage
and smudging of the nose in the head from the metope, give a
definite character to the head which it was far from having
when complete.

It will be seen at a glance that the very uncommon arrange-
ment of hair is the same in both instances, especially with
regard to the mixture of sculptured ridges in the sides and a flat
surface on the top. There can hardly be any doubt that the
flat surfaces were painted over with the indications of hair.
In the case of the metope head, the roll at the back of the head
is also left flat, while in the Madrid head it is modelled. It is
most interesting to note that Hiibner, who first wrote on this
head, remarked in his first paper ^ upon a certain similarity
between the Madrid head and the head of another figure from
the Olympian metopes. The fragment of this metope together
with the upper part of the metope representing Herakles and
the bull, as well as several smaller fragments, had been dis-
covered by the French in the Expedition de la MorSe, in the
year 1829, and have since been in the Louvre.' This head of

* Ausgrabungen m Olympia vol. v. ; * Nuove Memorie d, Inst, l.e,

Cf. Botticher, Olympia &c p. 285 ; • Dubois and Blouet, Expiditian

Overbeck, Qeseh. d. Qriech, Plastik, I Sdentifique de la Morie, i. PI. 74-78 ;

P« 445. Clarac, Music de Sculpture, vol. ii. PL

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AND A MARBLE HEAD AT MADRID. 173

Ihe ' nymph ' or * Athene ' possesses to a far less striking degree
the points of similarity with the Madrid head than does the
metope head with which we are comparing it. But it is
remarkable that, while in the female head from the Atlas
metope, the braids at the side are modelled with ridges and the
crown and the braid at the back (modelled in the Madrid head)
are smooth, the hair of Htibner's nymph from the other metope
is worked smoothly, whilst it is here the mass at the back of the
head which is the only modelled part of the hair. The fact
that HiLbner should have noticed the similarity of the Madrid
head with another head from the Olympian metopes possessing
far less marked points of similarity to it than does the head
from the Atlas metope, seems to me a strong confirmation of the
relation of general style which I see between the Madrid and
the Olympian heads.

Were our illustration of the Olympian head taken more
from the front of the figure, this general similarity of style
would be much more evident. It would then be seen how
similar is the treatment of the face, of mouth and chin, how
the hair parts symmetrically from the middle of the brow and
runs in parallel undulations towards the sides. It must also
be remembered that the metope was meant to be seen from
far below, while the Madrid head was no doubt calculated to
be seen from relatively a much shorter distance, and that thus
the metope head would have to be treated with less detail
especially in the broader ridges of the hair.

Before proceeding to dwell upon some of the numerous points
of difference subsisting between the two heads we are comparing,
I should like to draw attention to a fact to which I have already
alluded on another occasion (see this Journal, Vol. II. No. 2,
1881, p. 349). When two monuments with great points of
similarity are singled out from the vast number of ancient
monuments and are placed side by side, this isolation and
juxtaposition (in itself, unconsciously to the observer, claiming
a great degree of similarity) tends to bring out the points of
difference to a marked and exaggerated degree to those who
have not the vast number of essentially different monuments of

105b ; Muller-Wieseler, Denhmdler d, Olympia, v. ; Overbeck, Gesch. d. Or,
Alten Kwnst, i. taf. 30 ; and in their Plastik, i. 442 ; A. Botticher. Olympia,
complete condition : Atisgrabungen zu p. 279.

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174 THE HESPERIDE OF TELE OLYMPIAN METOPE

ancient art to falll^ack upon. People are then (this similarity
being already claimed and self-asserted by the very juxtaposition)
only conscious of and engrossed by the points of difference. If
the monuments compared will to any degree stand this test
their primary similarity is insured. To appreciate the simi-
larity between these two heads, it is best to compare them in a
museum containing a large and varied number of monuments
from all schools and times. The essential difiference of all other
monuments will bring out the inner relation of the two and will
make up, to the non-specialist, for the acquaintance with the
great number of individual monuments which are ever present
in the mind of the specialist.

In their general aspect the two heads differ in that the work
of the Madrid head is harder and more mechanical ; and though
the sculptor of the Madrid head endeavoured to give a broad
and severe treatment, which is a general characteristic of earlier
works, his knowledge of details led him to deal more correctly
with the definite features of the human head, such as the eye
and ear. While the brow and cheek are harder and less
naturalistic in the Madrid head than in the head of the metope,
the treatment of the eye evinces knowledge and study of the
most delicate forms which the Olympian sculptor had not yet
attained. The ridges of the hair are decided and sharp in the
Madrid head, while in the head of the metope they are rounded
off as is characteristic of both hair and drapery of all the figures,
also in the pediments, of this Temple. The forms of the cheek-
bone are clearly indicated beneath the surface in the metope
head, and the depression between the cheek-bone and the
risorius is more pronounced than in the harder and broader
treatment of the cheek in the Madrid head.

The whole eye is more prominent in this head (as well as in
all other heads from the Olympian Temple) than in the Madrid
head. The eyelids join completely at either angle ; while in
the Madrid head is manifested a delicate study of life in that
the upper eyelid projects and is prolonged over the under eyelid
at their juncture at the side. All the heads from the Temple
of Zeus at Olympia have the same characteristic treatment.
In fact this detail seems to mark the line between the works
before and after about the ye^ 450 before our era. So far as
I have been able to examine the point at present, the heads

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AND A MARBLE HEAD AT MADRID. 176

from the metopes of the Parthenon have the same early treat-
ment of the eye as the Olympian sculptures ; while the extant
heads from the frieze of the Parthenon have the later treatment
of the eye.^ On the whole, we must feel in the eye of the
Madrid head, despite the attempted simplicity, certain character-
istics which mark the works of the fourth century, and it is the
eflfect of this detail which must have driven so excellent an
observer as was Friedrichs to consider it impossible to place the
head earlier than the fourth century. On the other hand, there
are elements of hardness and severity in the head which direct
us towards the early part of the fifth century, where Hiilmer
would place the head. But this hardness is not only due to
[attempted] simplicity of style, but also to the more mechanical
wc^king of the marble to which allusion has been made
above.

Without being one of the late Roman shop-copies and imi-
tations, turned out by the dozen during the decline of classical
art, specimens of which fill our museums, the Madrid head
bears traces of this more hasty and mechanical workmanship as
compared with the individuality of modelling in the metope
bead. The general sentiment displayed in the treatment of
ihe eye, as well as the fuller knowledge of details belies its
origin in the fifth century ; while its evident immediate relation
to the head from Olympia, as well as the severity and simplicity
of composition, belies its origin in the fourth century.

It thus appears to me to be a direct derivative from the heads
of the class to which belongs the head at Olympia, made after
the fourth century in the period of Graeco-Roman Renaissance
by the sculptors in the first century before our era, who repro-
duced, or were influenced by, the works of earlier Greek art
and to whom so much attention has been drawn of late
years.

Charles Waldstein.

^ This detail may proYe of some of the Parthenon, as well as in deter-

importance in detennining the chrono- mining the exact chronology between

logical relation between the sculptures the Parthenon sculptures among each

of the Olympian pediment and those other.

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176 HERAKLES AND GERYON.

PYXIS:— HERAKLES AND GERYON.

The vase which is the subject of the present memoir is a
pyxis or small round box of a light yellow clay with a smooth
surface, decorated with designs in a blackish brown, which is
here and there varied with a patch of purple laid upon the
black, or with a detail occasionally incised. It was acquired by
the British Museum in 1865, and forms one of a set of eighteen ^
which were 'guaranteed^ as having been found at Phaleron
near Athens.

The lid is decorated with a circular frieze of animals, repre-
senting five lions or panthers ; the most important represen-
tation, however, is that upon the body of the vase, which is
encircled with a single frieze of figures, consisting of four lions,
a bull (recognisable by the shape of its hoof and its horn), and
a group which is obviously a rendering of the well-known myth
of Herakles and Geryon — beside Geryon is a further group of
three bulls.

The painting appears extremely rude, and this rudeness might
seem at first sight to be the result of carelessness rather than of
archaic ignorance in the artist. I shall endeavour however to
show from internal evidence that the scene before us may be
assigned to the earliest period of the representation of myths in
vase-painting.

It belongs to that class of vases technically known under the
term 'Oriental,' of which the centre of fabric was probably
Korinth, and to which the character of the clay, the technique,
And the arrangement of the scene, would naturally assign it. A

^ The remainder, except a pyxis simi- portance to our knowledge of this class,

lar to tliis, are of the so-called Phaleron hut onfortonately, evidence on this

type ; if the provenance could be relied point is rarely trustworthy,
upon, the series would be of great im-

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[To face page 176.

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Digitized by VjOOQIC

HERAKLES AND GERYON. 177

reminiscence of this Oriental style is further shown in the patch
of purple upon the flanks of the animals and in the rosettes
introduced twice into the scene, both on the body and lid.

The subject here depicted, if, as I believe, it can be shown to
be the earliest representation yet known of the myth, appears
to have a special claim upon our notice.

First of all, I would call attention to the peculiar treatment
of the subject by the artist. He has chosen as the field for his
brush, a narrow horizontal band, such as would be only suitable
for a continuous frieze of figures ; but the central group, indeed
the only important dramatis persoriAie for his purpose, consists of
but two figures, Herakles and Gteryon, a group which would be
unsuitable for any but a confined space like that of a metope.
Having inserted these figures, what does he do to fill the
remaining space? the bulls at the side of Qeryon suggest a
resource which he adopts in filling the vacuum with other bulls
and lions,^ in depicting which the painters of this style are
clearly more at home than in the representation of defined
myths, but which in the present case have no reference whatever
to the action going forward ; and I think this is a point in favour
of the early date which I would assign to our vase. The artists
of this style, accustomed only as yet to conventional friezes of
animals, are beginning to feel the necessity of depicting some-
thing more than mere conventional ornaments, but as yet they
have not learnt (as they do later in the so-called Proto-
korinthian style) to choose for their subjects those scenes which
give them a sufficient quantity of figures to occupy the space at
their disposal : such subjects for instance as that of Herakles
and the Centaurs,^ or the chase of the Kalydonian Boar, or the
hunt ^ of a lion or hare. The effort against conventionality is
made in this case in the central representation, but the old
tradition still survives in the animals introduced apropos of
nothing, and in the two or three rosettes, traces of the horror
vacui which lingered long both in the early Geometric and
early Oriental vases as well.

^ Such repetitions would not appear ^ See Furtwangler, in Arch, Zeit.y

strange to those accustomed to the 188?, p. 153.

early relief vases where the impression ' See Loschcke, in Arch, Zeit, 1881,

from one cylinder is repeated ad libi- p. 34.
turn.

H.S. — VOL. V. N

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178 HERAKLES AND GERYON.

The same difficulty liad already occurred to the artists of the
Geometric style, and had been in their case surmounted by the
introduction of the principle of vertical division of the horizontal
bands, a principle which suited the tall angular forms of these
vases better than the more rounded lines of the Oriental
shapes ; but for some time, on account of the obstacles thus
presented to the treatment of b, frieze surface, i,e. a surface which
has considerably more length than height, we find the repre-
sentations upon Geometric vases confined, in the shapes most
generally adopted, to the tall narrow neck, while the rounder
body of the vase is left comparatively undecorated ; and this
was no doubt one of the causes which rendered the struggle
against conventionality more difficult for the painters of the
Oriental than for those of the Geometric style. Such a division
of scenes became necessary from the moment when the interest
of the representation was for the first time transferred from the
action going forward to the actors themselves, that is to say,
when first abstract ideas, such as ploughing, as on the shield
of Achilles, give place to the definite incidents and personalities
such as figure on the chest of Kypselos, in which process of
development, the shield of Herakles as described by Hesiod
seems to give us the intermediate stage ; and in the recogni-
tion of this principle of the two main divisions of groups in
relief we have, I think, an important clue to (1) the process of
selection by which some scenes are preferred to others in early,
works of art of the Oriental type such as I have already
referred to ; (2) the development of a myth in order to adapt
it to similar conditions; and (3), given this principle, the
arrangement of the groups on certain works of art known to
us only from description.

Of these last, the throne of Apollo at Amyklae, as described
by Pausanias, is a case in point. In all the suggestions for the
arrangements of the decorations which I have seen there is one
difficulty which seems to me very obvious, but which has never
yet been fully recogiuzed. I mean the plan of stringing together
in one unbroken band a series of different scenes which present
no connexion in relation with one aoiother, an arrangement
which it might be expected that Greek art, even of the most
archaic period, would eschew. Now, when we examine the list
of scenes which Pausanias gives us by the light of reproductions

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HERAKLES AND QERY0:N. 179

of them in early art, we can guess with tolerable certainty
what sort of space each would fill, and seeing on this plan how
the scenes naturally fall into a symmetrical order, it seems to
me that besides the horizontal divisions of the spaces on the
Amyklae throne there would also be a set of vertical divisions
as well. It is much more natural to imagine the selection of
groups as due to a tectonic necessity than to mere chance ; and
thus it comes that on the chest of Kypselos we find the scene
naturally divided into two main groups, the one consisting of
those which would give the metope type, the other of those
which naturally suggest a frieze : a division which was probably
due to some constructive peculiarity in the form of the chest,
which consequently presented to the turtist a variety in the
spaces intended for decoration.

Ajs an instance of what I mean the tripod vase from Taiiagra,
published by Loschcke, is worth quoting. There we have the
artist dealing with just such a constructive necessity as I would
argue the artists of the Kypselos and Amyklae works may have
encountered.

A somewhat parallel case to that of our vase is shown in the
Capua bronze lebes ^ in the British Museum, which bears upon
the shoulder a narrow continuous band containing a series of
figures, among which at least one definite incident is mixed up
with conventional representations. But there are peculiarities
about this bronze vase which make it as I think a special case.
First of all, the roughness and want of finish of this band of
figures correspond neither with its conception nor with the
remaining ornamentation, both of which are free and spirited.
Again, the central scene, showing Herakles running towards
some oxen, looking back at a figure who is tied to a tree, is a
treatment of our myth which, in spite of Minervini's learned
disquisition, bafiles interpretation, and the jumbling up of this
with other scenes which have no reference to it is at least
unusual. But these difficulties disappear if we assume that the
artist, probably an Etruscan, has derived inspiration from some
Greek work, probably a vase painting. It is obvious that the
continuous band of this lebes divides naturally into at least six
dififerent and distinct scenes, of which the Herakles scene is but

^ Mon, Ined. v. 26. AnnaH, 51, 42.

N 2

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180 HERAKLES AND GERYON.

one ; we might almost go farther and say that these six scenes
had been ranged one above the other on the original work of art,
from which the bronze engraver drew his inspiration, so
that we should have three friezes of animals, and three scenes
of human life. Furtwangler ^ has already compared this
bronze to an example which he publishes of the * Proto-korin-
thian ' style, on which the same animals occur, similarly treated
in every respect. It may well have been a large vase of this
style which inspired the artist of the bronze lebes, who, however,
did not fully understand every particular of the work he was
copying : thus for instance the hare hunt of the original has
been on the bronze transformed into the unintelligible hunt of
a gazelle, which is as feebly drawn as the pursuing hounds are
spirited. The nearest parallel I know among vase paintings is
the Tanagra ' tripod vase,' already quoted ; a form to which
the scenes of our lebes would most naturally adapt themselves.

On the other hand, rough though the representation on this
lebes is, Herakles is there already depicted in the guise, which
after various vicissitudes became specially characteristic of him,
carrying bow and club and wearing the lionskin. Now on our
pyads, though the artist has, it is true, not been competent to
provide his human figures with faces other than the primitive
' Vogelgesicht,' yet he has paid sufficient attention to detail to
indicate even the arrows within the quiver, and would have
been quite well able, had he been so disposed, to give at least a
club and probably a lionskin also to the hero. But here he is
clearly nothing dififerent in type from the Herakles on the
Olympian bronze relief,^ a * kneeling* (running) archer in a
short chiton with quiver at back, and nothing more. This same
archer has in early vases a history of his own : starting from the
nude figure, sometimes of doubtful identity, as on the early
island gems and stamped relief-ware, he gradually assumes a
distinct personality, and this personality when once established
may m most cases be attributed to Herakles. The fact is,
Athenaeus' statement that the club was not assigned to
Herakles in Greek art before about 600 B.C. appears to be
fairly borne out in fact. The type with lionskin, which may
have been of Tyrian origin, is fouiad in Cyprus long before it is

^ Arch. Zcit. 1883, p. 162. ^ Ausgrabuvgrn, iv. xx. A,

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HERAKLES AND OERYON. 181

known in Greek art, though the individuality of Herakles is
otherwise already marked in Homer ; there he is specially the
mighty archer who dares even wound the gods with his arrows
(E. 392), and as archer he continues at any rate down to the
chest of Kypselos and later. On a Kyren^ vase (Arch. ZeU,,
1881, Taf. xii. 1) his bow and quiver are hung at his back, and
he brandishes a club, but not, I believe, until the early Chalcidian
style does the actual lionskin occur upon vases.

And so again with regard to Geryon. Klein ^ has suggested
that representations of this scene may be divided into two
main types : (1) Those in which Geryon appears as a winged
monster, with three heads and bodies on one pair of legs ; (2) those
in which, as on the chest of Kypselos, he is composed of three
figures joined together, rpeU avSpe^ dWijXoi^ 'jrpoaexop^evoi.
Now this winged type, which Klein takes to be the earlier, is
found at present only on two early Chalcidian vases, but that it
existed also in comparatively late times has been conjectured from
a reference in Aristophanes, Ach, 1082. Klein's argument that
this type is 'artistically higher,' seems mainly based on the fact
that the winged conception would naturally approach more
nearly to the 'Oriental' original from which presumably the
type was borrowed ; but seeing that the earliest types we know
both in literature and art,^ are not winged, it seems to me just
as likely that the original type may be that of the chest of
Kypselos, which may have undergone subsequently the strong
Oriental influence which permeates Chalcidian art. Moreover,
another claim which he advances for the prior antiquity of the
Chalcidian type, viz., the introduction of the cattle of Geryon
into the scene, is answered by their occurrence upon our
pj/ods.

There are in the British Museum three other representations
of this myth which would be important additions to Klein's
list.

1. Amphora, from Kamiros, with smooth handles: black
figures with purple and white on red panel.

(a) Athene, Herakles, Zeus, Kyknos, Ares.

(5) Athene, Herakles (lionskin, quiver, club), dea i herdsman,

1 Euphronios, p. 30.

' Cf. the Cyprus statue Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 156.

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182 HERAKLES AND GERYON.

Qeryon (rpeU avSpe^ type), Erytheia (?) : apparently Chalci-
dian.

2. Kylix^ published Mon, Ined, ix. 11.

3. Kylix, from Kamiros ; careless . style, black figures with
purple and white.

(a) Bearded figure with mantle on arm.

(i) and (c) (continuous frieze around exterior), Herakles
in lionskin (beneath whom lie dead herdsman and dog),
striding forward exactly in attitude of the similar figure in
De Luynes Vases Feints, viii, shooting arrow at Geryon {rpeh
(IvBpes type). Behind Geryon is one bull, behind Herakles
four. The field is filjed with houghs with white fruit.

Now of these examples No. 1 at least is probably Chalcidian,
though, of course, later than Klein's two vases. No. 3 seems to
be clearly an Athenian work, but the close correspondence
between it ai^d one of Klein's Chalcidians (De Luynes ibid, viii.),
make it probable that we have two interpretations of the same
original type, the Chalcidian, or winged, and the Athenian, a
type withoiit wiiigs. No. 1 shows us that in later Chalcidian
a^t the wingless type is known, and, until we actually meet with
q. Tr)pv6u7j<i T€Tpd'7m\o<; in art, I do not think the punning
allusion in the Acharnians is sufficient proof of the late
existence of guch a type in Athenian art.

In Klein's discission as to the * typology * of this myth he
takes the Cyprus relief in gtone as being the earliest represent-
ation known, wd argues for the earlier or later dates of other
representations in proportion as they correspond more or less
with this his archetype, his reason being that in this relief
there is an obviously Assyrian treatment. But if this is really
an Assyrian work of the eighth century how can we account for
the existence of a completely formulated myth in Assyrian art
at this period ? We have there Herakles, a definite personality

^ Hejdemann, in his description of jectures, part of a circle, nor port

this scene {Annali 1869, p. 247), finds of a badly drawn shield ; but belong

a difficulty in explaining the curved to the outline of the colossal eye

parallel lines beside the figure of which has formed the left hand

Athene. They are not, as he con- boundary of this group.

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HERAKLES AND GERYOK 183

with bow and lionskin; we have the bulls of Qeryon am-
plified, Assyrian fashion, into a confused herd, and the three-
fold character of Geryon, ill-suited to an Assyrian treatment,
is transferred to his dog,^ who is shown as a very clearly-
marked type with three heads. It seems to me much more
probable that we have here a comparatively late rendering,
by a foreign artist accustomed to the sight of Assyrian art,
of a scene more properly Greek, and of which the type is
already definitely fixed in Greek Art. However this may be,
it is quite possible that we may separate an Orientalising
treatment of myth, such as we have it on the Cyprus relief
and bronze lehes (which is further reflected too in the Chal-
cidian winged type), from the more purely Greek type,
such as we know it from our vase and the descriptions of
Pausanias.

Examining the list of Geryon vase-scenes collected by Klein,
we shall find that our vase will very well take a place at its
head as the earliest of the examples there known. After the
triple Geryon and Herakles types are once fairly fixed there is
little alteration, except the gradual substitution among the
spectators (where spectators are necessary) of definite person-
alities such as Athene, Eurytion, in place of some of the
cattle.

The fact is, in tlie case of a myth like this, which is employed
sometimes for a narrow space like the metope, sometimes
for a wide space like the frieze, it is impossible to lay down a
definite process of development in asserting that, since one
scene is fuller in detail than the other, the fuller is therefore
the older type. We may consider that our vase represents the
transition stage in the earliest development of our myth ; the
earliest treatment of the Geryon legend that we know is that on
the chest of Kypselos, where the representation is confined to the
duel between the two figures, Herakles and the monster ; the
adaptation of this myth to a frieze surface, such as we see in
process here, was in all probability the primary cause of the
introduction of other figures. A representation like ours would
give first of all the bulls, and perhaps the dog, and some of

^ The dog is surely a late introduc- medium of some scene like this, where
tion of Greek art into this myth. May one of the conventional lions might
it have come in perhaps through the easily be mistaken for a dog ?

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184 HEKAKLES AND GERYON.

these would gradually make way for human figures such as
. Athene, lolaos, &c. ; we see the same principle in hundreds of
archaic frieze-representations. To quote a single instance, we
have in the British Museum a vase showing the contest of
Theseus and the Minotaur, where four or five figures stand on
either side of the central group, to which they have no possible
relation except as serving to fill up the vacant space.

Cecil Smith.

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THE HOMERIC CHARIOT. 185

THE HOMERIC CHARIOT.

The object of the present paper is not to give a full account
of the Homeric chariot, but merely to call attention to a
somewhat minute point, in which, as it seems to me, light may
be thrown upon the words of Homer from the representations
given us in the painted vases.

By way of preface it may be mentioned that the war-chariot
was- hardly known in Greece proper, at all events after
the heroic age. The only occasion in Greek history when it
played an important part was on the half-oriental soil of Cyprus.
In the battle so picturesquely described by Herodotos (v. 113),
the fortune of the day was finally decided by the treachery of
the war-chariots of Salamis, whose desertion threw the island
into the hands of the Persians (498 B.C.). On the rugged and
broken mountains of the mainland, such an arm could hardly
ever have been of practical service, and we may assume that
the type familiar to the vase-painters of the fifth century B.C.
must have been derived from Asia Minor. It is therefore not
surprising to find that the red-fignred vases of the fine period
very rarely give us any picture of a chariot, at least if we
leave out of the question the racing chariot, which, as will be
seen, was probably of a slightly difi*erent pattern from that used
in the army. On the black-figured vases it is a yery favourite
object, but the representations are conventional, and fall into
two classes, which are given over and over again with little
variety. Of these two, one, the full-front view, with its stiflf
and hard schematism, and its too ambitious attempt at fore-
shortening, is decidedly among the least successful etforts
of the archaic draughtsmen, who evidently found the details
with which we are concerned quite beyond their powers of

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186

THE HOMERIC CHARIOT.

perspective.^ We shall concern ourselves only with the second
class, those giving us a side-view of the chariot at rest. The
teams at full speed seen in three-quarter view belong entirely
to the later and technically more accomplished period.

But however imperfect their execution, these artists seem
to have had tolerably fixed ideas as to the nature of a

part of the harness. If we look immediately over the horses'
shoulders, we shall find a mass of gear which at first sight looks
rather confused, but on examination shows such consistency

^ A curious attempt to reproduce this in relief appears in one of the Selinus
metopes.

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THE HOMERIC CHARIOT. 187

that we can hardly suppose it to be anything else than a re-
presentation of a reality which was at one time familiar to the
Greek warrior. The appended cuts (1) and (2) give a fair idea
of the harness as shown on the vases.

The gear in question lies immediately over the point where
the yoke crosses the pole. We can, in almost all but the most
carelessly painted examples^ make out, firstly, a ring ; secondly
a short peg, which we will for the present call the pin ; thirdly
a long projection, which for convenience we will name the horn.
The relation of these parts is, as we should expect, not always
very clearly given, but the usual arrangement is, that the pin
seems to pass through the ring, while the horn stands up beyond.
In (2) the opposite arrangement is shown, the horn passing
through the ring; but this* is less usual. In (1) it is only
through bad drawing that the ring seems to cross the horse's
shoulder. The loop and strap shown hanging from the yoke
are the collar and trace for the a'€ipa(f>6po<: which is about to be
harnessed.

But however this may be represented, there is one further
detail which is almost invariably prominent, and it is to this
I wish to call particular attention : it is a rope or strap which is
fastened to the horn and passes thence to a tall projection on
the front of the car itself, which for our immediate purpose
may be christened the post. We generally find marks which
indicate that the rope has been wound round the horn, and
sometimes the knot by which it is attached is very clearly
indicated.

Now we have in Iliad, xxiv. 265-274, a very full account of
the process by which the yoke was attached to the pole. It is
true that the words apply not to a war-chariot but to a mule-car ;
but there is no reason to suppose that this would imply any
difference in the yoking, and I hope to show that the words of
Homer agree both with the details of the vases and with the
necessities of practical use

'^fl9 €(f>a0\ oi h' dpa irarpo^ v7roS€l<ravT€<i o/iokXtjv
€/c /JL€V afjba^av aeipav ivrpoxov ^fxioveirfv,
Kokijv TTpa^TOTrayia, irelpivBa hi Brjaav iir aur^?,
xiih 8' airo 7ra(r(ra\6(f>L ^iryov j^peov '^fiioveiov,
irv^ivov 6fi(f>a\6€V, e^ olijKeaa-iv dpripo^^

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188 THE HOMERIC CHARIOT.

€K 8' €<f>epov ^vyoSeafiov afia ^vy^ ivv€d7r7j)(y,
KaX TO fxev eS KaredrjKav eJ^ia-TG) iirl pvfi^,
Tri^rj €7rl irpd)Trj, iirl Be KpUov earopi 0dWov,
rpU S' eKOLTepOev ehrjaav iir 6/JL(f)a\6v, avrap eireira
€^€L7j^ KaTeSrfo-av, viro yK^xJiva S* efcafjuyftav.

Of the parts named by Homer we of course recognize the
KpiKO^ in the' ring of the vase paintings. The earcop is
doubtless the pin passing through the ring, and fixed into
the pole. The 6jui(f>a\6^ may then be safely identified with the
horn. This, as we see from the epithet 6fi(f>a\6€v, formed a
part of the yoke.

Now the following points seem to be clear. 1. The wheels
were placed so far back that almost the whole weight of the
two riders must have been thrown upon the pole. Some means
must have been provided by which this downward thrust was
transferred from the lower side of the pole to the yoke. 2.
There must have been a provision for the lateral play of the
yoke, or the unequal pace of the two horses would inevitably
overstrain it and break either yoke or pole. The first of these
objects would naturally be provided for by placing the yoke
beneath the pole, the second by having the ring of considerably
larger diameter than the pole. This supposition exactly agrees
with what we find in the paintings where a very large ring is
represented, while the pole is hidden behind the shoulders of
the horses. 3. The third very important force remains to be
provided for, the forward pull of the yoke. This was of course
taken by the etrrayp or pin, which was passed through the ring
and then through a hole near the end of the pole. This is
described by Homer in the words, iirl Se KpUov earopL ^dWov,
and leads to the conjectural restoration which I have given
in the cut. No. 3.

We have now provided for the attachment of the yoke with
due resistance to every interaction, but we have not reached
the end of the process described by Homer. What is meant
by the words rpl? etcdrepdev eBrjaav in dfjL<f>aX6i/ and e^eirj^
KariSfjo-av ? The object of the two verbs is clearly the
^vyoSea-fiov, to fjbiv, two lines above, being the fi/yoj/, while the
fi^v and Be mark the change. It might have been expected
that the object of iBrjaq^f would be more clearly indicated, and

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THE HOMERIC CHARIOT. 189

the neglect of the F of FefcdrepOev may possibly indicate a
corruption concealing some forgotten word, which was either a
synonym for ^vyoBeafiov, or was the name for some part of it.
This however is not essential to the argument, and can hardly
be considered even probable.

-^^Rizi

oiKpdX OS -" -Ar ft eCTio p

iOS

Zyyo\

Now the ^uyoSea-fioif which was thus tied to something was
nine cubits — say thirteen feet — in length ; it cannot therefore
have been meant for merely tying round the pole and omphalos,
for in that case, a length of three or four feet would have been,
to say the least, amply sufficient : and besides, such an arrange-
ment, without adding any real strength to the attachment of
the yoke, where the end of the pole pierced for the iartap
was the weakest part, would simply destroy the free play of the
parts, without which the pole could not survive any but the
slightest inequality in the pace of the horses. The explanation
I believe to have been this : that the ^vyoBea/nov was taken in
the middle, and fastened by three turns of each end to the
omphalos or horn, which it will be remembered I take to be a
part not of the pole but of the yoke : then the two ends, each
having now a free length of some five or six feet, were led back
to the body of the car and tied to the post.

We now have to explain the phrase e^eiff^ /cariBrjaav. This
is commonly translated ' tied the Zygodesmon in an orderly knot,'
laying the consecutive turns side by side in succession. This
can perhaps be got out of the words, though it is rather forced ;

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190 THE HOMERIC CHARtOT^

but I feel little doubt that 6^^/179 is here not the adverb at all,
but the genitive of a substantive i^cLrj or something like it,
which was the Greek name for what I have called the post.
Such a word has an obvious derivation from the verb e^e^i/,
because the primary use of the post was to afford something by
which the parabates could hold on and aid himself in what must
have been the far from easy task of keeping his balance. The
vases themselves often enough represent this use of the post.
Whether we have the exact original form in the word i^eiTj^ we
can hardly say. I do not recollect any case of a substantive
formed with the suflSx -cclt), unless indeed the adverb i^eirj^
be itself a genitive: but the loss of the original word would
itself be likely enough, when the war-^chariot with all its
technical details had passed out of Greek memory; the
resemblance of the more familiar adverb would be amply
sufficient to cause a corruption when some sort of sense
could still be made.

If this explanation be not accepted, I do not see on what
hypothesis we can account for the inordinate length of the
Zygodesmon, which be it remarked, will even allow sufficient
for any one who still wishes to take a turn or two round the
pole and yoke before leading back the ends, though I regard
such a precaution as likely to do more harm than good.

It is, moreover, certain that the Zygodesmon, as I have ex-
plained it, was from the first an integral part of the Greek
chariot, and not a mere freak of fancy on the part of an
unconscientious vase -painter; for we find it, though rarely, even
on coins of early workmanship.^ In the best period it is omitted
for the obvious reason that such a minute and purely realistic
detail was inconsistent with breadth of artistic design ; but we
have also corroborative evidence, for there is no doubt that the
Greek chariot, like the Egyptian, came from Assyria. The
pattern is in essentials identical in all three nations, and in the
case of Egypt at least there seems to be evidence enough, that
the chariots, at all events those of the best class, were an article
of import from Asia. Thus Weiss {KostilmJcundef p. 95), says,
' Unter den von Asien eingelieferten Waffen bildeten femer
auch die Kriegswagen von prunkvoUster Ausstattung einen ganz

* It is very clearly represented in Prof. Gardner's Types <^ Greek Coins,
the fine Syracusan drachma, given in PI. J I. 9.

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THE HOMERIC CHARIOT. 191

besonders gesuchten Tributartikel.' As regards Greece, it is so
obvious that the chariot cannot have been indigenous here that
the only question that can arise is that of the exact means by
which it was introduced from its birthplace in the Mesopotamian
plains. Now very Uttle observation of the Assyrian monuments
is enough to show that in the Assyrian chariots such a Zygodes-
mon as we are concerned with is extremely common. We find
the post in the front of the chariot in two forms ; sometimes it
is a short and wide elevation of the front part of the car, which
is itself of more solid construction than the Greek. In other
cases it is very long and slender, bearing at the top a disc which
contains a device, no doubt the standard of the captain who
rides below. The Greeks, whose chieftains in Homeric times
do not seem to have carried such devices, retained the slender
pole, but shortened it, and so adapted it to the purely practical
purpose of a support to hold on by. They also retained the
rope or Zygodesmon which we find connecting the post in
both its forms to the yoke.

The Assyrian chariot often had another ornament, which I
mention only to say that it seems to be independent of this
Zygodesmon, as each is frequently found apart from the
other. This is the curious long oval, of uncertain material,
often adorned with religious symbols, which extends in a
vertical plane from the yoke to the car. What the use or
significance of this was I do not presume to guess.

The fact of the existence of the Zygodesmon in this sense
being established, there remains the question of the purpose it
was meant to serve. This is not very obvious, but two sugges-
tions may be made. In the first place, by thus attaching the
yoke directly to the body of the chariot, part of any violent
shock might be taken off the /cpUo^ and eo-Toyp, while there
would be no interference with the free play iDetween them*
Secondly, we see from Homer, that the pole was very apt to
break Tri^jj eVl Trpcorrj : that is, no doubt, at the point where a
weakness was introduced by the hole in which the iarcop was
fixed. In such an event, the Zygodesmon would possibly
prevent the escape of the horses, though so far as I recollect
whenever a pole is broken in a Homeric battle the horses rua
away ; but this may be only from poetical propriety. As to the
Omphalos, this may have been meant to keep the Zygodesmon

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192 THE HOMERIC CHARIOT.

clear of the Kpl/co<i and ea-reop, which by their constant friction
would soon wear it out. But such speculations are of little im-
portance, inasmuch as the Omphalos and Zygodesmon were
there, whatever their use. Possibly they* may have only been
a useless survival of some older means of harnessing by traces ;
in such matters man is apt to be irrationally conservative.

In favour of this last supposition it may be mentioned, that
we elsewhere seem to find the same appendage reduced to a
meaningless ornament. In the war-chariots of the Egyptians,
according to Wilkinson (Anc. Egyp, i. 238), ' a large ball placed
upon a shaft projected above the saddle ; there is reason to
believe it was added solely for an ornamental purpose, and fixed
to the yoke immediately above the centre of the saddle, or to
the head of a pin which connected the yoke to the pole. The
same kind of ornament, though of a different form is met with
in Persian cars, and that it was not a necessary part of the
harness is shown by the many instances of its omission in
Egyptian curricles, and even in some of the chariots of war.*

In the later Greek racing chariot the post was of no use, as
there was no parabates to hold on by it, and the charioteer
always drove with both hands. It was however retained in a
modified and adapted form, by being made double with a cross-
rail at the top, at about the height of the driver's breast. This
form we find on some of the later agonistic vases as well as on
coins. ^ It evidently served the double purpose of saving the
charioteer from the possible danger of being dragged over the
front of the chariot, while at the same time it gave him greater
guiding power by enabling him to lean far forward, in the atti-
tude which is familiar on works of art, and thus to grasp the
reins nearer to the horses* heads.

There is yet another passage in Homer which may be illus-
trated by what we know of the Egyptian chariot. It occurs in
the second locus classicus for Homeric chariot-gear, //. v. 722-732.
We are told that the Si(f>po^

^(pvaioKTv Kot apyvpioiaip Ifiaaiv
ivreraraL. (727-8)

This is usually explained of the breast-work of the car, or
iviBi(f>pid<;, which is supposed to be formed of interwoven

1 E.g. Gardner, Types, VI VI. 25, 26 ; XI. 30.

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THE HOMERIC CHARIOT. 193

straps of leather ; it was rather the^or of the car on which the
charioteer and parabates stood .^ For the Egyptians actually used
this device of a floor of interwoven straps strained tight, to
supply the want of springs, which must have been a serious
matter in fighting over rough ground (Wilkinson, Anc, Egypt-
ians, i, 227). We may then compare Od, xxiii. 201, when Odysseus
employs precisely the same device in order to make himself a
springy bed, iv S* erawj-a ifidvra fio6<;.

If further argument be needed in favour of an interpretation
which seems to be suflSciently recommended by its own probabi-
lity, it may be pointed out that 8/^/309 means in the narrowest
sense, the platform on which the riders stand, because the breast-
work is called eVtSt^pia? (//. x. 475), and that it is only thus
that we obtain the full meaning of the word ei/Terara*, *is
stretched tight,' for this could hardly be used of a semi-circular
breastwork of woven straps, where some at least must have
been comparatively loose. It is of less weight perhaps, but still
it may be mentioned, that vase-paintings do not seem to give
any representation of chariots with such interwoven breast-
works.

Since the preceding paper was written Dr. Helbig's highly
interesting book Das Homerische Epos aus den Denkmdlem
erlmctert has appeared. It does not contain any fresh explan-
ation of the point under discussion. He brings forward some
evidence, however, to support the usual theory that the words
€V7r\€KTo<; and evirXeKr}^ refer to the breastwork, not to the floor
of the car ; this question therefore must remain open.

He also gives the following description of the manner in
which the peasants in South Italy, especially in the Basilicata,
attach the yoke to the pole (p. 107). * Der Jochbalken hat in
der Mitte der unteren Seite einen beweglichen eisernen Ring,
die Deichsel unweit der Spitze ein vertikales Loch, in dem ein
eiserner von unten nach oben bewegbarer Nagel steckt.
Nachdem man das Joch zwischen der Deichselspitze und dem
Loche auf die Deichsel aufgesetzt hat, wird der Nagel empor-
gezogen und der Jochring zuriickgelegt. Hierauf lasst man den
Nagel in die Oeffnung des Binges hineinfallen, dergestalt, das
der letztere nunmehr mit seiner unteren Wolbung an den

^ So also II. xxiii. 335, 436, tvwkiKTtf ii^l ^l<t>p<pt ii4»povs cuTAcic^or.
H.S.— VOL. V. O

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194 THE HOMERIC CHARIOT.

Nagel anliegt. Auf diese Weise befestigt, kann sich das Joch,
soweit es der Durchmesser des Ringes gestattet, nach vorwarts
schieben, aber nimmermehr von der Deichsel abgleiten.
Scliliesslich werden Deichsel und Joch, damit das letztere beiin
Ziehen nicht hin und herschwanke, noch durch ein mehrfach
geschlungenes Seil verbunden/ I am afraid that I do not
understand the arrangement exactly ; at all events it does not
seem to give any explanation whatever of the nature and
function of the 6/jL(l>a\6^. Dr. Helbig claims that it gives
a more natural explanation of the words iirl /cpUov earopi
^aXKov than that adopted by Grashof, and in another way by
myself, where the ring is put over the pole before being secured
by the Sarcop. In any case the phrase must mean * put the
€<TTa>p through the ring/ if the iaiayp is, as we all assume, a
peg made movable in order that it may be lifted up, in order
to bo passed through the yoke-ring. The inversion of thought
which expresses this as 'putting the ring over the peg' is
surely very slight. Dr. Helbig rightly notices the necessity of
supposing that the end of the ^vyoSea-jjiov must have been
fastened to a point at some distance from the yoke, as * nach*
dreimaligem Umblnden gewiss ansehnliche Enden iibrig blieben.'
Mr. C. D. Dumford has recently published in the Athenaeum
of Aug. 2nd, 1884, a very plausible and ingenious theory,
according to which the long fish-shaped or oval connexion
between the car and the yoke of Assyrian chariots served as a
spring. This however lies too far from the present question to
piermit of discussion.

Walter Leaf.

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{To face page 195.

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EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS, &c. 195

THE EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE TEMPLE OF
ZEUS AT OLYHPIA

AND THE

WESTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON.

In proffering this attempt at providing a new principle for
the interpretation of the Eastern Pediment of the Temple of
Zeus at Olympia, founded upon the recognition of the general
principles of pedimental compositions as they manifest them-
selves after a careful study of the extant monuments of this
class, and, more especially, upon a comparison between this
Olympian pediment and the western pediment of the Parthenon,
the writer fears that he may meet with prejudice on the part
of those who have already fixed in their minds an essentially
different mode of approaching the subject. He fears this the
more as it is entirely beyond his power on this occasion to give
a full account of these general principles, or rather of the
traditional forms of rendering mythological scenes in compositions
of this class, as they have manifested themselves to him in
studying a considerable number of ancient representations of
mythological scenes for the purpose of elucidating the compo-
sition of the pediments of the Parthenon. He is obliged,
therefore, to refer the reader to the treatment of this subject in
his forthcoming volume of Essays on the Art of Pheidias, more
especially to the Essay on the Eastern Pediment of the Parthenon.
Another cause of initial opposition will no doubt lie in the fact
that his proposed interpretation will, in some of the details, run
counter to the direct statements of Pausanias. But though it
is a dangerous proceeding in archaeology to discredit the direct
statement of an ancient authority, there is one authority more

o 2

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196 EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS.

conclusive than the statement of . any ancient eye-witness, that
is, the direct evidence of the remains themselves. When in
addition to this we have reason to know that this particular
writer was apt to be misled in the recognition of subjects
of the very nature of those in question, and that his sources of
information were often of the most illiterate and untrustworthy
kind, we are then more than ever justified in turning, nay,
called upon to turn to the unbiased study of the monuments
themselves and their relation to all works of that class, with a
view to the solution of the problem.

Every reader of Pausanias will soon notice that there was a
certain bias in the mind of the traveller, a certain tendenz per-
vading the whole of his writings, modifying the character of his
book, and sometimes the correctness of his statements. It
might be called a religious, or rather mythographical, bias
which arose in him in great part out of the spirit of his age
(an age marked by the death-struggle of Greek paganism against
rising Christianity), and which drove him to look for illustrations
of myths and mythical personalities in every monument. He
will never lose an opportunity of recounting some out-of-the-way
myth with a definite mention of names, and will often introduce
them where no apparent opportunity was offered. The first
thing he seems to look for upon entering a new town or
sanctuary is some local mythical story which he recounts at
great length with all the on dits of ignorant people, while he
gives but short space to the description of facts which it would
often be valuable to know. It is moreover most unfortunate
that this credulous myth-seeker was most uncritical and indis-
criminate with regard to the sources of his information. There
is no doubt that a large number of the myths and traditions he
recounts and of the interpretations he gives of the monuments
with which he met in his travels, were gathered from the
ignorant people he chanced to meet, more especially from the
ciceroni who flocked about Delphi and Olympia, and obtruded
their services upon the tourist with a persistency only equalled
by their ignorance, and a corresponding readiness to invent
facts and names where their knowledge was at fault. Luckily
Pausanias often alludes to his source of information and to the
fact that ' the i^r)yr)Ti]<: said so,' and thus gives us fair warning
to receive with some reservation the statement thus backed.

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EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS. 197

This is so in the very tenth chapter of the fifth book in which
he describes the Eastern Pediment of the Temple of Zeus, and
ends up with the announcement that the Troizenians call the
groom of Pelops who is represented in the pediment Sphairos,
while the exegetes who is showing him about said he was
called Killas.

But that he or his guide or both are not to be implicitly
followed in the interpretation they give of the figures in the
pediment, has become completely demonstrated by the results
of the excavation. Pausanias enumerates and interprets the
figures as follows; Tol Sk iv to?9 aeroh, eariv efJuirpoa-Oev
UeKoTTO^ rj irpo^ Olvofiaov r&v Xttttodv afJUtWa €ti fiiXKovaa
Kal TO epyov tov Spofiov irapa afi(f)OT€p(ov iv irapaaKevfj.
Aio^ Sk dyd\fiaTO<; Karib fiiaov ireTroLrjfievov fidXiara tov
aeioVy €<TTiv Olvofxao^ iv Be^ia tov A«09 iTTifceifiivof; Kpdvo<;
Tj} Ke^aXfj, irapa Sk avTov yvvff %T€pcmri, 0vyaT€po)v xal avTrj
Ta>v "AtXuvto^, Mfpr/Xo? Se, 09 ijXavve tw Olvofidqy to
apfxa, fcdOrjTuc irpo twv iTriroDV oi S4 elaiv apcd/xov oi ittttoi
Teaaape^. fi€Tib Sk avTov elaiv avSpe^ Bvo* ovo/iaTa fiev
a<f>i(nv ovfc eaTi, BepaireveLV he apa tou9 Xttttov^; koL tovtol^
irpotreTeTaKTo vwo tov Otvofidov, irpo^ avT^ Be KaTdKenai tcS
irepaTi KXaSeo9' e;)^€t Be koI €9 t^ aXXa irap 'H\€i6)v Tifia^:
woTafi&v fidXioTa /xcTa ye *AX<f>€i6v, to. Be i<$ dpicTepd utto
TOV Ato9 o IleXoylr Kal 'iTnroBdfieia Kal o re '^vlo^o^ ecTi tov
ne\o7ro9 Kal iinroi, Bvo t€ apBpe^, iinroKo/JLoi Brf Kal ovtol t£
IleKoTrL, Kal aiOi^ 6 a€T09 KaTCiacv €9 ctcvov, Kal KaTa
TovTo 'AX(f>eio^ in avTov TreTToirjTai, toS Be dvBpl 09 'qvLO'x^el
Tft) TleXoTTL Xoytp fxev t^ TpoL^rjVLoyp icTiv ovofjua Z^^alpo^y o Be
i^rjyrjTTj^; 6 iv *OXvfi7ria €<f>a(7-ye K^lXXav elvai.

There are thus twenty-one figures (including the horses) in
the pediment. Zeus is in the centre, on his one side Pelops
with Hippodameia, on the other Oinomaos with Sterope. Then
follow on either side the charioteers (Myrtilos and Sphairos)
crouching before the horses, then the four horses, then follow on
either side two men, and then at the left comer the river
Alpheios, at the corresponding right comer the river Kladeos.

The real uncertainty of interpretation for us attaches itself to
the *two men' between the river-gods and the horses, and this
uncertainty was evidently also felt by Pausanias himself. In
dealing with the first set of two he merely calls them two men;

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198 EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS.

lie then goes on to say that they have no names, and that their
function was to take care of the horses of Oinomaos ; the other
two he simply calls grooms {linroKOfjLOi) of Pelops. Considerable
fragments, making the nature of each one of the figures enumer-
ated by Pausanias intelligible, have been unearthed in the recent
(Jerman excavations, and have made it possible to reconstruct
the whole pedimental composition seen by Pausanias. The
three principal restorations are those made by Treu,^ Curtius,^
and quite recently, by Kekul^.®

These restorations differ only with regard to the distribution
of the crouching figures. The one here reproduced (Fig. 2)
is that of Curtius, chosen by the present writer because it
conforms more to the laws of composition which, from analogous
cases, appear to have prevailed in such works.

It seems more than unlikely that the four figures between
river-gods and horses should be grooms. Despite Welcker's^
ingenious explanation * that the artist was wise in throwing the
chief figures into prominent relief by placing these unimportant
personages instead of inferior deities at either side,' we cannot
help feeling that this would be a very clumsy contrivance on
the part of the artist for the purpose of filling up space, and
that the introduction of such figures into such compositions is
contrary to the custom of Greek art. Furthermore, it is evident
that Pausanias and his guide did not examine the figures in the
pediment very carefully, for one of the ' men ' or ' grooms ' turns
out to .be a woman. Another one of them, the bearded old
man seated on the right side, can hardly be held to represent
the type of the groom, "nor have the modern writers on the

^ Arehaeol, Zeitung, 1876, pp. 174 contains ontlines of the three restora*

seq. Taf. 13 ; and 1882, pp. 217 seq. tions mentioned aboTe. For earlier

taf. 12. See also Boetticher, OZyTTi^, remarks on this pediment by other

Das Fest und seine Statte^ p. 285 seq, ; authors, see : tJrlichs, Bemerhungen

and Oyerbeck, Oesch, der Gfriech. ilber den Olympisehen Tempel, &c.

Plast'k (Zrd edit.) i. 1^^. 420 seq. (Wtirzburg, 1877) pp. 20 seq.; G.

^ Die Funde von Olympia (Berlin, Hirschfeld, DetUscTie Rundschau^ 1877,
1882) pp. 71 seq.f taf. vi. vii. ; see also pp. 309 seq\ Adler, Ausgrafningen in
Furtwangler, Arch. Zeit. 1882, p. 365 ; Olympia, ii. p. 16, taf. xxxt. ; Milch-
Mrs. Mitchell, A History t^ Ancient hoefcr, Dn Neucn Reich, 1877, pp.
/ScwZp-^wre, pp. 262 5«g., Fig. 127. 206 ««^. ; Robert, Arch. Zeit. 1878,

^ Rfieinisches Mtcseum f. Philohg. N. p. 31.
F. xxxix. pp. 481 seq. taf. iii. This ^ Alte Denkmdler, i. pp. 178 seq,

has just come to my hand. Taf. iiL

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EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS. 199

subject, despite the statement of Pausanias, ventured to call him
by that name. He generally goes by the name of ' The Pensive
Old Man' (Sinriender Greis). But if we examine a large number
of ancient monuments, especially later reliefs, we shall repeatedly
come upon this type of an old man reclining in a contemplative
attitude, watching the scene which he, sometimes in company
with similar figures, serves to frame, and by their presence such
figures fix the locality in which the scene takes place. The
crouching male figure between him and the Kladeos again cor-
responds exactly in his attitude to the type of a youthful river-
god, more especially to the fragment of the Ilissos crouching at
the right side of the western pediment of the Parthenon. The
same applies to the two figures on the other side. All the three
figures at either angle are evidently not immediately concerned
in the action which is preparing in the centre of the pediment.
They are in the background, or, fU3 I should like to say, they
are the background, and belong to a different sphere of beings
from the figures in the centre. The figures in the centre are of
one class ; and the figures at the angles, separated from them
by the horses, are of another. What the nature of the latter
group of figures is, is clearly indicated by the river-gods Kladeos
and Alpheios at the end of either side ; they are personifications
of the localities in which the scene takes place.

But to feel thoroughly convinced of the correctness of this
interpretation one must needs have examined from this point
of view a large number of later monuments, especially reliefs,
bearing the evident traces of the earlier pedimental compositions,
and the eastern and western pediments of the Parthenon, and
must c )mpare these pediments with them. One then comes to
recognise a whole system of mythological composition ; and of
this recognition our interpretation of the figures of the angle of
the Olympia pediment is but a necessary consequence.

As I have said at the beginning of this paper, I cannot on
this occasion enter upon the discussion of this principle of
pedimental composition as borne out by the careful examination
of a large number of ancient monuments. I have done this at
considerable length in the Essays on the Pediments of the
Parthenon in the forthcoming book. But the due recognition
of any individual pediment depends to such a degree upon the
recognition of the traditional forms as we see them pervading

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200 EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS.

the chief works of this kind, that I feel how comparatively weak
will be the convincing power of these observations to those who
have not gone through, or have not had presented to them, all
the facts upon which these statements are based. Still I shall
venture to point out some of these general traditional forms and
shall refer the reader to the book for their more complete
verification.

The customary method in which the sculptor represented a
mythological scene, especially in pediments, was for him to
follow in the broader mode of arranging his composition the
general constructive indications of the space assigned to him
for his composition. In the case of a pediment this space is a
triangle with the highest and most important point in the
centre. The height and importance of this space are not, as in
the case of a frieze, the same throughout, but grow gradually
towards the centre as the sides rise from either angle at the
base, and diminish gradually as the sides descend from the centre
to either angle. The efifective narration of any story by means
of a plastic composition demands that there should be a visible
unity in the composition with a culminating point of interest,
otherwise we shall have monotony and diffusion. The sculptor
thus follows the simple suggestion of the construction of the
pediment in placing the most important and central part of the
scene depicted in the highest central point of the pediment, the
parts most essential to the central action on either side nearest
the centre, and the figures lose in their importance in the central
action the more they approach either angle. Or, beginning at
either angle, the figures by their nature and action will manifest
less interest and participation in the central scene at the
beginning of the composition, and these will grow as the pediment
rises until we approach the central climax. In the best of
these compositions a further element of variety is introduced in
that the whole scene as represented is subdivided into different
phases or groups, without robbing the whole of its unity. This
subdivision would correspond to the foreground or the back-
ground. It is generally indicated by the line between the
reclining and the erect figures, and by a corresponding dis-
tinction in the nature ,and meaning of the figures and their
relation to the central action. The figures forming the central
scene, generally in erect attitudes of action, form the one group

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WESTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 201

of beings belonging to a definite sphere, and are distinctly
separated from the other figures seated or reclining in con-
templative attitudes, generally manifesting the greater interest
in the scene the nearer the place assigned to them is to the
centre. The proportion of space assigned to each one of these
classes is about the same in the pediments of the Parthenon
and this eastern pediment of Olympia. In the western pediment
of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia was represented the Centauro-
machia ; and this subject led the sculptor to give greater space
to the scene of actual conflict, while but a small space is assigned
to the local nymphs.

The class of figures on either side of the centre, distinct from
the immediate participators in the action, I maintain to be
traditionally personifications of nature and localities in which
the scene is supposed to have taken place. To Brunn belongs
the great merit of having first ventured to maintain that the
figures filling the sides of the western pediment of the Parthenon
up to the Nike and Amphitrite driving the chariots (where the
lines are drawn in Fig. 1), are personifications of Attic localities ;
and though I cannot subscribe to the definite interpretation of
the individual figures, the principle as evinced in the interpre-
tation as a whole I have found confirmed by the examination of
all similar monuments. In the eastern pediment of the Parthenon
(representing the birth of Athene) where, I maintain, the centre
was occupied by Athene and Zeus and the admiring gods, and
the seated and reclining figures now extant were personifications
of nature like Helios and Selene at the extreme angles, an
intermediary figure (the messengers Iris and, probably, Hermes)
was introduced between the two larger classes on either side.
These erect figures show by their action towards the figures in
the angles that, though erect and of the nature of the gods in
the centre, they also hold some relation to the figures of the
other sphere; they form a transition from one group to the
other, and by the fact that they convey the news of the central
scene to the seated figures at the angles they clearly indicate
that the two classes of figures belong to different spheres.

In the western pediment of the Parthenon the transition is
more abrupt. The lines drawn in our illustration show this
marked division. Beginning from these lines the figures are
all turned towards the centre ; both by action and composition

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202 WESTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON.

it is made manifest that they are immediately concerned in the
central event (the strife between Athene and Poseidon for the
Attic land). The figures on the other side of the line, however,
all belong to the same sphere, which differs from that of the
central figures ; and their nature is made clea,r by the character
of the two figures nearest either angle, which is beyond dispute.
It is admitted by all that in the left angle there is Kephissos
with a nymph (now missing) as in the right angle there is a
nymph with Ilissos. The other figures up to the lines are
personifications of the same nature.

If we compare the eastern pediment of the Temple of Zeus at
Olympia with this western pediment of the Parthenon, we
realise a thorough correspondence in the general composition
and arrangement of the groups which calls for a similar inter-
pretation of the figures at the sides.

In both pediments the horses with their drivers complete the
central group containing the action. In the Olympia pediment
the horses form a more intrinsic part of the central scene,
inasmuch as the moment represented is that of preparation for
a mythical chariot race, while in the Parthenon pediment they
are mere accessories to the acting figures, Athene and Poseidon ;
and they here serve to indicate the fact that the judgment
confirming the supremacy of Athene has been passed and that
the gods will in the next moment retire from the Attic locality
where they have performed their miraculous deed. Thus in the
Olympia pediment the horses stand at rest awaiting the beginning
of the race, and those who will mount the chariots (the most
important element of the scene), Pelops and Oinomaos and their
charioteers, are placed together near the centre and in front of
the horses ; while in the Parthenon pediment it is clearly indi-
cated that the horses have just arrived in that they are vigorously
advancing, Athene and Poseidon form the really prominent
centre, and Nike and Amphitrite are separated from them and
are behind the horses. In the Parthenon pediment the centre
ends with the figures driving the horses, in the Olympia pedi-
ment with the horses themselves. The figures after the horses
in the Olympia pediment hold no further immediate relation to
them. Even though in Treu's restoration the crouching figure
placed by Curtius in front of the horses on the right is placed
behind the hor&es on the left, and might thus be restored as

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WESTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 203

holding the reins, the corresponding old man on the right in a
contemplative attitude with his hand to his chin can in no way
be considered to fulfil any definite function with regard to the
horses, and the symmetry pervading the whole of this compo-
sition would demand that th^re should be no essential difiference
between the corresponding figures on either side. I cannot
refrain from remarking that, as far as symmetrical composition
is concerned, the restoration of Curtius has far more in its
favour than either of the two other restorations ; for the seated
and draped old man on the right, occupying a comparatively
wide space, is well balanced on the other side by the seated
and draped figure which of all the remaining figures possesses
to the highest degree these characteristics; and the mono-
tony of line in the direction of their feet is counterbalanced
to a certain degree by the fact that the one is looking forward,
the other turning backwards, and still both are turned towards
the centre. In Curtius's restoration the next two crouching
figures towards the angle are turned away from the centre,
until at either end the river-gods have a decided movement
towards them and towards the centre.

In the Parthenon pediment there are seven figures in the
angles at either side, in the Olympia pediment there are only
three ; yet even here there is the most striking resemblance of
composition. Beginning at the right angle the reclining Kladeos
with the crouching youth correspond in composition to the
reclining nymph with the Ilissos in the Parthenon pediment ;
the larger profile lines of the seated old man correspond to the
lines of the only figure seated in profile in the Parthenon pedi-
ment, namely, the seated female figure with the nude girl in
her lap on the same side of the pediment. At the other angle
of the pediment we have the reclining Alpheios whose similarity
to the Kephissos has been universally remarked; the figure
corresponding to the crouching girl is wanting in the Parthenon
pediment, yet the seated half-draped figure next to her and
turned towards the centre is in composition most strikingly
like the next figure in the Parthenon pediment, namely, the
seated and draped male figure looking towards the centre.

Both in the general arrangement of composition, the chief
acting figures in the centre, bounded on either side by the
horses and their drivers, with the personifications of the locality

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204 WESTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON.

in either angle, as well as in the details of the seated figures,
the correspondence of these two pediments is so great that we
are driven to acknowledge an immediate relation between these
two pediments. Whether the older artist Paionios on his way
from the north to Olympia saw smd studied the Parthenon
pediments without for all that being able to produce in any way
the superiority of their modelling ; or whether, as is now main-
tained by Loeschcke,^ Pheidias was at Olympia before the
completion of the Parthenon, and was there influenced by the
composition of the North-Grecian artist, I do not venture to
decide. I am only concerned with establishing this strong
inter-relation.

I must not omit to remark that Treu, in his first paper,^
pointed to the resemblance between the crouching figure on the
right of the Olympian pediment and the Ilissos, as well as
between the seated figures on the left in both pediments and
the general arrangement of the composition. Furthermore,
Curtius has gone so far as to consider the figure beside each one
of the river-gods to be personifications of localities. But the
interpretation here proffered for all the figures not forming the
centre of the scene is the result of a comparative study of
pedimental compositions in general, more especially in connexion
with the Parthenon pediments, and the question must thus be
viewed as a whole in order to discover its true bearing. To
Brunn will ever remain the great merit of having broken-
ground in the right direction with the general spirit of his
interpretation of the western pediment of the Parthenon.

Charles Waldstein.

^ Phidias Tod, und Ghronologie des suchung.
Olympischen Zeus ; Historische UrUer- * Arch. Zeit. 1876, p. 179.

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AN UNDESCRIBED ATHENIAN FUNERAL MONUMENT. 205

AN UNDESCRIBED ATHENIAN FUNERAL
MONUMENT.

Plate XXXIX.

Visiting last year the house of Mons. des Tombes, an ac-
complished amateur and collector of pictures at the Hague,
I observed over a chimney-piece a small sculptured relief in
marble, of which the Grecian lineaments contrasted forcibly
enough with the taste of the Dutch paintings that surrounded
it. In answer to my inquiries, the owner informed me that he
had seen this piece of antiquity one day in the hands of a
countryman, covered with paint and about to be broken up, and
that he had rescued it from destruction, and after cleaning the
surface caused it to be placed where I then saw it. How it
originally came into the hands in which he found it, or into
Holland at all, he had been unable to learn. At my suggestion
M. des Tombes had a cast of the work made, a copy of which
he has been so good as to present to the new Museum of
Classical Archaeology at Cambridge. From that cast the
present illustration (PI. XXXIX) is taken.

The sculpture bears obvious marks of its character and origin.
It is, as the student will be at no loss to perceive, an Athenian
sepulchral relief of the fine period, and forms a somewhat
interesting addition to our known store of examples of that
attractive class of monument. The relief is framed as usual
by a projecting plinth at the bottom, and at the top by a plain
pediment without akroteria; there are no antae to complete
this framing at the sides. The extreme height from the top
of the pediment to the bottom of the plinth is 26f in., (m. '672) ;
the height of the relief itself 21 5 in., (m. '555); the breadth

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206 AN UNDESCRIBED ATHENIAN FUNERAL MONUMENT.

18 in., (m. '458) ; so that the figures of the sculpture are between
a third and a quarter of life-size. The design shows it to be a
lady's monument, but there is no inscription to indicate her
name. She is represented seated in profile facing to the left, in
a chair of the usual shape, and nearly in the attitude of Hegeso
in the well-known and beautiful monument that bears her
name. She wears a long chiton with half sleeves ; her head is
bare ; her feet sandalled, the right slightly extended and resting
on a footstool, while the left hangs nearly free, the toes touching
the footstool and the heel the chair-leg. She lifts her two
hands to receive a child which a nurse, standing opposite to her,
holds out in both arms. The nurse, in the majority of such
cases distinguished by the K€Kpv^a\o<i, wears in this instance
no head-covering ; but it may be noticed that her hair is carved
in parallel running lines, while that of her mistress is differently
treated, not in lines but in masses. The dress of the nurse is a
plain chiton with diploidion. The child in her arms (apparently
a little girl of three or four years old) is naked but for a loose
drapery, not very distinctly visible, which passes over its left
shoulder and under the left hand of the nurse, from whose grasp
the child leans out eagerly towards its mother with the left
arm fully extended. The face and right arm of the child and
the hands of the mother are broken off; so are the upper part
of the nurse's face and portions of the chair-legs ; allowing for
a slight general abrasion of the surface, the remainder of the
work is well preserved. The relief is rather high than low,
the extreme projection being If in. (m. '04), and the faces,
arms, and one or two other portions being slightly undercut.
The execution both of flesh and drapery is vigorous and expres-
sive, but somewhat rough and undetailed (see particularly the
incisions characterising the flesh surface of the feet), and the
work is no doubt that of an ordinary monumental mason towards
the end of the fifth or the beginning of the fourth century B.C.
Though in execution by no means one of the most finished
monuments of its class, yet alike by the character of the
composition, the gravity of the sentiment and frankness and
simplicity of the attitudes, the shape and type of the heads,
and the style and flow of drapery, it proclaims clearly enough
the still undecayed influence of the Pheidiac tradition in
Athenian workshops.

Digitized by LjOOQIC

AN UNDESCRIBED ATHENIAN FUNERAL MONUMENT. 207

With regard to the special subject of the representation, it
is well known that the intercourse, or the parting, of mother
and child is a theme of no infrequent occurrence in the funeral
monuments of Attica. This theme is generally treated in one
of two ways. Either (a) the child is one of some years' growth,
in which case it is shown standing, sometimes naked and some-
times dressed, at the knees of its parent ; or else (b) it is a
new-bom infant, and in that case is shown tightly wrapped in
swaddling-clothes, and held in the arms of a nurse who presents
it to its parent. It has been suggested that the monuments
designed according to the latter of these two schemes are those
of women dead in childbirth. An example of a in its simplest
form is the monument in the Central Museum at Athens
inscribed with the name of Asia (Sybel, Katalog der Sculjpturen
zit Athen, 108). Examples of scheme h in its simplest form are
the monuments in the same museum inscribed with the names
Akis and Eirene respectively (Sybel, 120, 134). Each scheme is
often complicated by the introduction of accessory figures : thus
the monuments of Polyxenfe and of Ajchestrat^ (Sybel, 52, 69),
are examples of a each with the addition of a servant in the
back-ground ; and in a monument of class h in the Varvakion
(Sybel, 2922) the lady whose child is held in swaddling-clothes by
the nurse is seen clasping hands at the same time with another
lady. Scheme a, again, is sometimes varied by the grouping of
several children, instead of one alone, about the knees of its
mother ; see for example the monument of Phrasikleia (Sybel,
54). And sometimes the features of a and b are united, in
family groups wherein the figures of elder children standing
about the knees of the mother are combined with that of a nurse
holding out to her a child in arms: of such groups early art
affords us a conspicuous example in the so-called Leukothea
relief of the Villa Albani. But our present specimen is singular
in that it exhibits a child, of the growth usually represented
standing at its mother s feet according to scheme a, held up to
her embrace by a nurse according to the fashion of scheme I.
Professor Conze (to whom also I am indebted for some of the
references above cited), is good enough to inform me that the
drawings collected by the Vienna Academy for their projected
Corpus of Athenian funeral monuments contain no other

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208 AN UNDESCRIBED ATHENIAN FUNERAL MONUMENT.

example of a nurse holding up to its mother a large and
active naked child like this, but only small children stiflfly
swaddled. For the sake of this point of originality, as well as
for the general charm and interest of the class of sculptures to
which it belongs, I hope that the publication of this waif of
Attic art found in Holland may not be unwelcome to readers
of our Journal.

Sidney Colvin.

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ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— 0Z>. V. 209

ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— Oi). V.

This was a raft, and not a boat, or even a rude imitation of
a boat. Many of the diflSculties connected with the well-known
description of its construction in the fifth book of the Odyssey
have been increased by the confusion of these ideas.

Homer, ' qui nil molitur inepte,' is evidently well acquainted
with ships, and with a seafaring life, and all its technicalities.
In this respect he dififers from Hesiod, who (possibly glancing
at the manifest (TO<f>la about ships displayed by the older bard)
expressly tells us that, unlike his father, he is

oifTe TV vavTvXirj^ (T€ao<f>t,aiJLivo^ ovre rt vtjcov
ov <yap TTcoTTOTe vrjt 7' iiriirkcov evpia irovrov,

Epy. 647.

We may therefore consider that in this minute description of
the construction of the raft, Homer is accurate in his details,
and that his hero is represented as doing (iTnarafiivoo^) all that
a skilled shipwright (ev elBdx; reKToavvdoyv) of the Homeric age
might be imagined as doing under the circumstances.

In the council of the gods recorded at the beginning of the
book, Athene, in pleading for her favourite, lays stress upon the
impossibility of his escape from the island of Calypso (v. 16).

ov yap ol irdpa V7J€<; iirT^per/jiot, xal iraipoc,

and the same lines are a little later repeated by the nymph herself
(141), when somewhat in pique she declares that she for her part
will not send him any whither. But she adds, as if recollecting
that the commands of Zeus are not to be trifled with, ' I am
quite ready to suggest to him, and I will not conceal from him,
the way in which he may come safe to his fatherland.' This
way had already been indicated by the Cloud-Compeller
H.s. — VOL. V. p

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210 ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— 0I>. V.

himself. Ulysses was to leave Ogygia upon a raft, iirl
a-^eStr)^ ^ irokvhid fjLov ^ (v. 33).

Accordingly, after the departure of Hermes, the nymph finds
the hero, and bids him give over fretting, for she will let him
go. And she continues :

aXK, aye, iovpara fiaxpb, ra^iiov dp/io^eo '^oKk^
€vp€tdv a^ehirjv arap Ixpia jrij^av iir* avrrfSi*
vyirov, 0)9 ere <f>€p7fai,v iir* rjepoecBia ttovtov,

' So, come, cut down long spars with bronze and fit together
a broad raft. And upon it construct a deck high up, so that
it may carry thee over the misty sea.'

The proposal seems so wild to the man of many counsels as
to suggest the idea of treachery, ' Something else it is, goddess,
that thou art thinking of, and not of a safe conduct, when thou
biddest me on a raft to cross the great breadth of the sea,
dreadful and difficult, over which not even gallant ships, swift-
faring, do cross rejoicing in the breeze of Zeus.' It requires an
oath by the Styx to reassure him. On the morrow the work
of construction begins. The nymph supplies him with the
tools, and shows him where to get the material. The passage
is Od. V. 233—261.

' She gave him a great axe, well fitted in his hands, of bronze,
sharpened on both sides, and in it a helve very beautiful, of
olive wood, well fitted in; and then she gave him an adze,
good for cutting smooth, and led the way towards the extremity
of the island, where tall trees grew, alder, and black poplar, and
there was fir reaching to heaven, withered of old, and very dry,

which would float lightly for him So he began to cut the

spars, and quickly his work was accomplished. Twenty he
threw in all, and then trimmed with the bronze, and smoothed

1 trxeSfi}. The derivation seems ir\4ovfft. The word is also used of the

doubtfuL It may be (1) connected planking of a bridge, and of a wooden

with lx«*> <rxe-8f-ij. That which holds roof constructed over a theatre (Athen.

together, cf. <rx€'8oV, tenendo; or (2) 1. iv.).

<rx€5-^i? collective to <rx^8-i?, scheda, * iro\v94fffiov. Characteristic epithet,

billet, plank. Cui't. EL Or, 246, 617. recurring 1. 838, the * many fastenings '

Cf. scandula, shingle, split stuff for are the chief problem of the construc-

roofing. Cf. our rafter, and its collec- tion, cfl Hdt. ii. 96. ir^pl y6/i<l>ous

tive raft. This last will agree with irvKvohs Koi fuucpobs irfpitlpovtri t^

HesycLius, {yAo, & ajvZhuai koI otrco Siir^x^^ |i''X«.

Digitized by LjOOQIC

ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— 0Z>. V. 211

them with skill, and made them straight to the line. Mean-
time Calypso brought borers. He then bored all, and fitted
them one to another, and next with trenails and dowels he
knocked his raft together. As large as is the floor of a wide
ship of burden, which a man skilled in the shipwright's craft
lays out in curved lines, so large did Ulysses make his wide
raft. And he set up deck timbers by fitting them on numerous
uprights, and so wrought and finished them with long gunwales.
And in his raft he set a mast and a yard fitting to it ; and
beside he made a paddle that he might steer it. Bulwarks also
made he all throughout, with osier wattles, to be a fence against
the wave, and piled in beside much brushwood to back them.
Meanwhile Calypso, bright goddess, brought robes for the
making of sails. And he contrived them also well. And
braces and halyards and sheets he made fast in the raft, and
then with levers he moved her down to the bright sea.'

In four days all had been completed. He takes in his stores
on the fifth, and starts with a fair breeze, steering with his
paddle. On the eighteenth day when in sight of the land of
the Phoeacians, he is spied by Poseidon, and his troubles begin
again. A great storm wave, 'ingens avertice pontus,' comes
right down over upon him, the raft is whirled round, and he
himself is washed off and loses his paddle. The mast breaks
off short, and the sail and yard fall far away into the sea. He
himself with convulsive effort swims after his raft and sits down
in the midst of it shunning the fatal end. The raft, still holding
together, becomes the plaything of the waves, tossed about, up
and down, just as in autumn the north wind blows along the
plain the acanthus wreaths that cling close together. At this
crisis Leucothea appears and gives him her headdress to wear
as a lifebelt. He, afraid as usual of treachery, determines to
stick to the raft —

o^p' &v [lev K€V Sovpar iv dpfMOvirjacv dpTJpr),

so long as ever the spars hold together by the dowels. Then
comes the great wave, which breaks up the raft, just as the
wind scatters a heap of chaff. Ulysses mounts astride on one
of the spars, strips him of his garments, and ties round him
the headgear of the goddess, and so strikes out for the
shore.

p 2

Digitized by VjOOQIC

212 ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— OZ). V.

Such is the story of the raft and its fortunes. A seagoing
raft or catamaran, with a raised deck upon it, is not unknown
in modern times in the Pacific, in the Torres Straits, and oflf
the coast of New Guinea. A model of a craft of the kind, of
which a representation is here given by the kindness of General
Pitt Rivers, may be seen in his collection at South Kensington.
Vide also M'Gillivray's Voyage of the Battlemake, vol. ii. p. 256.

It remains for us to consider the details of construction.
First as to the tools, iriXeKv^: (Rt. IIAPK IIAAK) ifkrjK'jay
Skt. paragus, the striking axe, of goodly size and well fitting
to the hand (apfievov iv TraXdfitjat), The same expression is
used (Tl. 18, 600) of the potter's wheel. The material is
XoKko^ (cf. Virg. Aen. xi. 656, 'aeratara quatiens Tarpeia
securim,' where aerata does not necessarily = aerea, but may-
refer to the fact that two temperings are required in an ax:e,
whether of steel or of bronze, one to make the cutting edge.

Digitized by LjOOQIC

ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— 0Z>. V. ^13

and the other to make the mass of the body, which if of the
same hardness as the edge would be apt to fly in pieces). The
question of the shape of the Homeric axe is interesting, as upon
it turns the decision of that other much-vexed question in the
twenty -first book of the Odyssey as to the shooting through the
twelve axe-heads. If we can believe the Homeric axe to have
been similar in shape to that which the Egyptian shipwrights
are seen handling in the tomb-pictures of Sakkarah, the solution

is easy. The axe there pourtrayed is in the form of a hoop,
and consequently the feat of shooting through the axe-heads
would be one easily suggested {vide Duemichen, Fleet of an
Egyptian Queen, PL xxi.). Set up perfectly level like the
Spvoxov ^ (which I believe to have been strong timbers, set up,
at short intervals, on a true level, to form the basis or slip on
which the keel of a vessel to be built was laid), the twelve
axe heads would at once test the skill of the archer in aiming,
and the strength of the boT^r in the flat trajectoiy of the arrow.

The axe was {afi<f>oTip(odev d/ca'x^evo<f) sharpened on both
sides, as axes always are. Not so the adze, which is sharpened
only on the inner surface of the edge. The one makes a
wedge-like cut. The other chips off pieces leaving a smooth
surface below.

The helve (aretXecov, cf. o-reX-e-;^©?, stalk) of the axe was
of olive wood which is tough and pretty in grain (TreptKaWi^;)
and takes a good polish.

The adze {aKeir, cf. aKdir'TO)) (c£ Germ, schaben, our shave)
has the epithet €v^oov. It is difficult to give this any but the
active meaning. This really suits the passage and explains

^ Od. XX. 574, and compare the phrase also Bpv6xovs riBtvcu Spd/Jtaros*
Polyb. i. 38 iK9pv6x<i^y yavTrriyflaOai,

Digitized by VjOOQIC

214 ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— OA V.

the use of the tool, which in skilled hands does the work of
the plane perfectly, feo-cre 8* eTrtcrra/A 61/(09.

The goddess points out the place where the material for the
raft was to be found in the shape of trees, standing long
withered and dry, which would float lightly.

Of those named, the floating power is very different, viz. : —

Alder '20 specific gravity, '80

Poplar -62 „ „ -38

Fir -53— -40 „ „ -47— 60

Alder is a very heavy wood, and not fit for shipbuilding. It
might, however, be used for the aTafiLve^ and the dowels.
Poplar and fir, but chiefly the latter, would famish the floor of
the raft. Twenty trees are thrown, and trimmed with the axe,
the branches and knobs hewn off. Then the adze comes into
play. And the skilful shipwright makes two smooth surfaces
which are straight to the line. The timbers, thus shaped,
will touch all along their inner surfaces when laid together.
(dvrl^oa, vide infra,)

Next comes the process of tying them together. For this
the goddess brings him borers, or augers, reperpa, plur.
doubtless of difi'erent diameters.

In tying heavy timbers together, where metal is not avail-
able or suitable for the purpose, two kinds of fastenings are
necessary, commonly called trenails, y6fi<f>oi, and dowels or
coaks, which are here represented by the dpfiovlai. The
trenail (tree-nail) is a long peg of tough wood tapering from an
inch or inch and a half in diameter, to three-quarters of an inch

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ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— OZ). V.

215

at the thin end. The holes into which this is driven run
through both pieces of timber, and of course they must corre-
spond exactly on the inner surface when the two timbers are
laid alongside of each other. Trenails, however, are not thick
enough in diameter to stand a vertical strain tending to wrench
one timber from the other. To make them of a greater diameter

OoOoO^o o

O o ^

D
D
D

1. Coak or dowel, apfiovltu

2. Trenail, y6fi<^s.

3. Timbers bored.

4. Ditto, with coaks and dowels,
ready to be knocked together.

would weaken the timbers themselves dangerously ; and so in
order to meet a vertical strain, such as the rise and fall of the
waves under the bottom of a raft, shipwrights join the timbers
not only with trenails but with dowels, or coaks, as they are
also called. These are short pieces of hard wood from three to
four inches in diameter and four to five inches long according
to the size of the spars. These are let in at intervals between the
trenails with shallow holes bored to correspond in each timber.
Being short and of hard wood they will take a great vertical
strain, as long as they remain fast. Hence Ulysses makes up
his mind to remain on the raft —

6<f>p av fiev K€V Sovpar iv dpfAOviyaiv apjjprf.

When once the timbers had slipped outside the dowels, the
trenails would not be of much use in holding the raft together.

As for apfiovlai, the word occurs in Ar. Eq, r&v ff* dpfiopi&v
Sia^x^aa-Kova&Vy where if a flute is the instrument spoken of it
would mean the joints gaping, i.e. the sockets opening from
the pieces that fitted into them. A little above the expression
T€fCT0V€9 eviraXdfioov vfivtov occurs, so that it is probable that

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216

ON THE BAFT OF ULYSSES.— 02>. V.

the metaphor of joiners' work is being kept up. The joints of
the flute are not unlike the dowel and its socket. The passage
in Herodotus ii. 96, iacoOev Se ra^ dpfiovia^ iv oyv eTrdxTayaay
rfj /3v/3\^, seems at first sight to mean they caulk the joints, i.e.
openings between the timbers through which any water can
come in with byblus, but perhaps, seeing that a contrast to
Greek usages is being stated, it is the byblus truss, witMn (cf.
Ap. Ehod, i. 367), that is opposed to the t/ofjuec^, waling pieces,
applied by the Greeks without the vessel. In this case the
meaning of apfiovia would be the same as in our passage, and
eTrd/cTcoa'av mean make firm or fast (as Eustathius interprets
KaTaa<f>a\i^ovTai), cf. Larcher ' lis affermissent en dedans cet
assemblage avec des liens de byblus.' Vide also Duemichen.
The word dpfM6<: is also noticeable in this connection meaning
a peg or stop, cf. Eur. Fr, Erecth dpfio^ irovrjp6<: Sairep iv

In the case of a ship with a rounded bottom, the strain would
be less than with a raft. But still various expedients were in
use to prevent the parting of the timbers, for instance, trussing.
Cf. Ap. Rhod. Arg. i. 367 :—

vrja S' eirLKpareco^ ^Apyov viroOrjfjLoa'vv'pa't
€^oo(rav TrdfjbirptaTov ei^a-Tpecfyet evhoOev oirXtp
T€Lvdfi€VOL kfcdrepOev iV eS dpapolaro yoficfyoi^
Sovpara koX poOioto ^irjv l^oi avTioaya-av.

The hawser, called vTro^oDfia, stretched from stem to stern,
over crutches, kept up bow and stern and prevented ' hogging/

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ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— OD. V. 217

This is seen very clearly in the representations of the Egyptian
ships given in Duemichens Fleet of an Egyptian Qiieen,
Possibly the diflSculty about the trrro^oofia, Plat. ^Bep, Bk. x.
finds its solution in this straight truss amidships. But the vrro^d^-
fiara in the case of triremes seem generally to have been
applied outside, stretching from stem to stem on both sides of
the vessel. These hawsers, put on dry, would shrink when wet,
and so tighten up the timbers of the lightly built vessel.

Another device was the waling {i,e. walling) piece, vo/mcv^, ,
commonly in use among the Greeks, but not used by the
Egyptians in the construction of the boats described by Hdt. ii.
96, the ancestors of the modern Nile * nugger.'

But we must return to our raft, from the construction of
which we have wandered.

Ulysses having planed his spars with the adze and bored
them all and fitted them exactly, then (read dpaaaev} with
Aristarchus) knocks them together, so that trenails and dowels
fit into their respective holes and the inner surfaces of the
spars meet together. This work of knocking the timbers
together is well described by ApoU. Khod. Arg, ii. 79 : —

6)9 S'oT€ vrjla Bovpa Oool^ avri^oa y6fjL<f>oi^
dvipe^ vXrjovpyol eirL^XrjiTjv ekdovre^
Oeivcoai a(f>vprj(n.

The raft thus constructed is compared as to size and shape to
the setting out of the floor of a wide merchant vessel in design
by a skilled shipwright.

The word Topvdxrerat seems to imply the curvature of the
lines of a vessel in plan rather than of those in section, which
would not be so applicable to a raft. The breadth of the raft
is that to which attention is chiefly called, though from the
expression Topvdxrerac, we might perhaps infer the rounding off
of the ends.^

The floor completed, the next work was the raising of the
deck according to the goddess's suggestion. This was a matter
of some time and labour as the imperfect iroiec implies. First
of all he had to set up his cTafiive^ many in number and pretty

1 Cf. Ap. Ehod. ii. 615 eJrc fiip « Cf. II. xxiii. 255.

"Apyos y6fi<poiaiv avydpaffaev.

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218 ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.— OD. V.

close together. The re per pa would here come into play again.
The o-ra/mlve^, uprights, would be let into holes bored in the
floor of the raft, and the deck timbers also bored and fitted on
to the tops of them. With regard to the word a-Taiit^ there
can be hardly any doubt as to its meaning. Hesychius gives ra
iirl T^9 o^eS/i;? opOct ^\a. Eustathius, ol TraXatol, epfjbrjvev-
ovT€<: iTTtfATjKT} ^vXa, ra^: aTafiiva^ <f}dacv, a a-rrffjuovcov rpoirov
€^ovTa, 7rapaTC0€fJL€va to?? iKpiot^ i/cdrepOev kardvai aifrd

- TTOLOVaCV,

But they must not be confused with the ribs of a ship, with
which they have nothing in common, being straight and not
curved. Compare arrffiovtov, the upright sticks in wicker work
round which the osier twigs were turned. Hence Aristarchus
interpreted ara/ilve^ as being 6p0a ^vXa olov fTTTjfioaiv ioL/cora.

Upon these uprights the deck timbers were laid and fastened.
There can be no doubt as to txpta meaning ' deck, platform.'
The attempt to translate it as 'bulwarks,' seems perverse in
the face of the well-known passage of Herodotus, v. 16.
Eustathius gives clearly Karda-rpafia vem* (Curtius, No. 623,
gives Rt. in Lat. ic-o. The old k appears to be preserved in
LK-pia, scaffold, deck.) After setting up his platform or deck
by fitting these cross-beams upon the uprights, he finishes off
and makes fast his txpta by long gunwales iTrrjjKivtSe^
{iTrrjveyteiSef: cf. htrjveKri^ — fjveyKa — dvwyKrj), These laid
lengthwise on either side would prevent the timbers of the
deck from jumping, and would so finish the deck as such
(reKevra). The interpretation of the word given Et Mag. to
eiri fAr]KO<; irapaTerafAevov fiaxpov ^iXov is misleading if taken
to imply a planking alongside of the arafiive^i. The raft is open
and the water would wash freely through the front and sides of
the stage carrying the deck.

The carpentering is concluded with the fashioning of mast
and yard and paddle for steering. There still remained the
construction of a bulwark to protect the sailor from the wash
of the wave. This is effected by a wattle work of osiers set up
upon the tfcpta as a fence all round. Not being very strong in
itself it is backed by piles of brushwood, v\rj, which bound up
in the shape of fascines or faggots, would be light and at the
same time offer a good resistance. The idea of ' ballast' for the
raft seems absurd, and out of place altogether.

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ON THE RAFT OF ULYSSES.~OZ). V.

219

The hero then constructs sails and braces and halyards and
sheets, and makes all fast on board. Then with levers he moves
his handiwork down to the bright sea. The word Kareipvaei/
must here be used not quite strictly, but as a general term
applicable to launching. For the usual method vide Ap.
Khod. i. 367 — 389, the launching of the Argo, In this last

1 T

I i I T

respect Homer's hero was more successful than Defoe's, who,
when he had completed his ' very handsome periagua * by dint
of three months' hard labour, found himself utterly unable to
move it, and was obliged to leave it where it lay.

Edmond Warre

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220 FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.

FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.
Plates XL.— XLIII.

The so-called 'Chalcidian' class of vases, in spite of their great
technical and historical interest, have as yet received less of the
close attention which has been applied to other better known
classes, chiefly on account of the lack of definite material and
definite information regarding them. No one has as yet treated
of them comprehensively as a class, if we except the cursory
survey of Klein,^ although a fair number have been separately
published : pending therefore the maturing of the more com-
plete study which seems desirable, the introduction of four new
specimens of vase painting which we may call Chalcidian will
not be without interest to archaeology ; especially as the two at
least which are figured on Plates XL, — ^XLIII. have each a
further intrinsic value as contributions to the study of
mythography.

These vases exhibit clearly all the characteristics which we
are accustomed to consider as distinguishing the ' Chalcidian '
style ; as to the question, whether this definition of the class is
a satisfactory one, I propose to say a few words later on ; but
first it will be well to give some short account of the two on
Plates XL. — XLIII., and of two others which seem naturally
connected with these both in the circumstances of their
discovery and in the character of their decoration. All the
four are from Rhodes, the first three from excavations upon a
site called Siana, probably the site of the ancient Mnasyrion,
the fourth from the excavations of Mr. Biliotti at Kamiros.

y Euphroniosy p. 31.

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FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES. 221

A. (Plates XL.— XLII.). Kylix. 1 (interior).— Withm a
circle of tongue pattern, alternately purple and black, which is
inclosed between two circles of fret pattern, a bearded warrior,
Ajax, seizing Kassandra, whom he is about to despatch with his
sword : she crouches at the feet of the xoanon of Athenfe, round
which she has thrown one arm; her other arm is grasped by
Ajax as if to drag her away : behind the xoanon stands a Siren,
which, with two lotos flowers, seems inserted merely to fill
empty spaces in the design. In the exergue is a band of
alternate lotos flowers, and buds.

2 {exterior, obv.), — Herakles, escorted on one side by Hermes
and Athenfe, on the other by Ai'temis and Ares, is conducted
into Olympos, which is represented by the figures of Zeus and
Herfe seated on richly decorated thrones. Beside the footstool
of Here stands Hebfe, upon what appears to be a separate
footstool or pedestal.

3 {exterior, rev). — Combat of two warriors, on either side of
whom stand a female figure armed with a spear and a warrior
on horseback with a second led horse at his side.

In order to fill in the space beneath the handles, and to form
a division between the two scenes, figures have been inserted
which seem to have no relation to the subjects depicted. Thus
on the right of Scene 2 is a Sphinx, and beneath the opposite
handle a warrior crouching on one knee. These scenes ai*e
inclosed within two bands of ornament : above, a double ivy
wreath, below, a band similar to that around the interior.

Height 13*4 centimeters. Diameter 25 centimeters.

B. (Plate XLIIL). Kylix. 1 (interior). — Within a circle of
patterns similar to that of A, 1, a warrior charging to the right,
and in the act of throwing a spear.^

2 {exterior, ohv.). — Perseus, Hermes, and Athene fleeing to
the right, pursued by two Gorgons ; on the left Medusa follows
her sisters, her own head replaced by that of a horse ; between
the two Gorgons stands a boy, and a similar figure is repeated
on the extreme left behind Medusa.

1 The spear is here thrown by means of with the waist. On this question see

the/A€(r(iyin;\ov, which, asontheAegina Daremberg, Diet, des Ant., article

bronze disk is looped round the index * Amen tarn,' and a Gaulish instance

and second fingers ; as in that instance in Rev. Arch. 1884, i. p. 104.
also the weapon is discharged in a line

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222 FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.

3. — A procession of five warriors who walk in single file to the
left, each leading a pair of horses.

In this case the scenes have been carried on beneath the
handles, so that these spaces are respectively filled by a figure
out of either scene. As a result of this, the foremost warrior in
3 is unnaturally curtailed, the forepart of his horses being
broken by the insertion of the handle which intervenes. Both
scenes are inclosed as in the preceding case within two bands of
pattern which decorate the entire circumference of the vase ;
the upper band is a wreath of ivy, the lower a band of alternate
lotos buds and blossoms.

Height probably about 13'4 centimeters. Diameter 25
centimeters.

(7. Kylix. 1 (interior). — Within a circle of tongue pattern,
Seilenos, ithyphallic, his face turned towards the spectator,
dancing to the right ; beneath him a lotos flower springs from
the ground>

2 (exterior, ohv), — ^A marriage (?) procession : in a quadriga,
which moves to the left accompanied by two female figures and
a male figure, stand two figures side by side ; the male figure
holds the reins, the female figure holds out the edge of a
garment which covers her head in an attitude similar to that of
Her^ in A, 2. Beside the horses has stood another figure, most
of which is broken away.

3 (exterior, r&v.), — A combat of two warriors, both in kneeling
attitude; on either side, a horseman. Above their shields an
illegible inscription. Beneath each handle is a swan.

Diameter 24*3 centimeters.

D, Kylix. 1 (interior). — Broken away, but seems to have been
unpainted.

2 and 3 (exterior). — Both obv. and rev. a Gorgon running to
the right, exactly similar to the Gorgons in B, except that their
black chitons are ornamented only with large purple rosettes,
they have no snakes around the waist, and their arms are
extended on either side of the body.

Beneath each handle is an inverted lotos flower surmounted
by a leaf, from which a long tendril extends on either side,
terminating in a small anthemion. These are the only ornaments
upon this kylix.

Diameter 20*5 centimeters.

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FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES. 223

All of these vases have suffered more or less from breakages :
A is complete with the exception of one small fragment of the
lip, B has lost the foot, G part of the sides, the stem and foot,
D one handle, the stem with part of the insertion, and the foot ;
but in every case enough remains to decide clearly what the
general original form and decoration must have been.

The three paintings on A have been separately reproduced as
far as possible so as to give an idea of their actual size and
colours, while Plate XLIII. gives the scenes of B reduced by the
autotype process from coloured copies of the original. These
two vases ai*e so nearly identical in technique, and their method
of decoration, as they are in size and style, that it would seem
as if they must be from the same hand. Unfortunately there
seems little information to be gained from the evidence of the
circumstances of their discovery ; though accurate details have
in each case been chronicled by the excavators themselves.
From these we learn that B and G were found together in a
tomb which contained nothing else : A was found with a series
of objects which suggest no definite inference as to its date ;
these were, two lekythi and a large hylix, all with paintings of
the early black-figured style, a bronze oinochod of the form
familiar in the early pottery of Rhodes, with two circular
bosses beside the upper insertion of the handle, and a bronze
simjpulum or ladle : while J9, though numbered by Mr. Biliotti,
appears unfortunately to have no corresponding entry in his
Diary of the Excavations at Kamiros; at least, I have been
unable to identify it with any vase therein specified.

All are of the same form of kylix which is figured in the
Kyrenfe set published in Arch. Zeit 1881, Taf. 12, 2a, with the
handles set horizontally to the sides, and with a moulding half
way down the body ; ^ A and B, the only two, unfortunately, in
which the stems are preserved, have a peculiarity which I have
not noticed anywhere else ; ^ in both these cases, at the insertion
of the stem into the body of the vase, there springs from the body
a delicately modelled spike, inclosed within the stem like the
pistil of a flower within its calyx ; judging from the metallurgic
tendency everywhere apparent, it would seem as if the potter

^ In the case of D the body is plain, vi. , which in other respects is closely
without moulding. allied to ours, has a similar smaller

2 The hylixy Musie Slacas, PL v., spike.

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224 FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM KHODES.

were intending here to imitate the rivet or nail which in a
metal kylix would fasten the stem to the body ; and, in keeping
with the richness and minuteness of ornament displayed through-
out on these two vases, the artist has even gone so far as to
inclose these spikes within three tiny concentric circles of black
colour.

The technique is in every case the same : the groundwork of
the figures is black laid upon the natural red colour of the clay,
and surrounded with an outline of incised lines ; on this is laid
a yellowish white and purple in large masses, and the whole
has the details afterwards picked out with incised lines. In
parts where the vases have suffered injury or have been insuf-
ficiently baked, the black has become a brownish colour, or has
flaked off altogether. In accordance with a practice which obtains
on many vases of this type and on the later vases of Exekias and
his school, the white, where it is laid on in large masses, e.g.
for the mane of a horse or for a cuirass or garment, is covered
with incised lines ; the plaited appearance of the horses' tails,
the long wavy lines marking the toes, and the indication of the
human knees and elbow-joints are common to most vases of the
early * Chalcidian ' style. The ornaments also upon the dresses
of the figures are similar to those common in vases of this class.

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FOUft ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES. 225

and such as appear for instance upon the Francois vase ; they also
resemble those which we see in the figures upon the cuirass
published in the Bull, d^ Corr. Hell 1883, PL I.— III., and are
executed, in the case of A and B at least, with a minuteness
which would seem more appropriate to a work in metal than to
a flaking surface like that of terra-cotta.

Throughout, we observe the curious mixture of tendencies
which is usual in the Ionian art of the Chalcidian style ; the
preference on the one hand for frieze compositions, so suitable
to the more rounded forms of the vases of this style, which is
modified on the other hand by a tendency to the symmetrical
'heraldic ' method familiar to us from Asiatic art.

At the time when Chalcidian vase painting was to the fore,
there is no doubt that Greek art was feeling throughout its
whole system a powerful impetus from the new revelations dis-
closed by its growing intercourse with Asia Minor ; and it is
natural that the vases of the time should bear the impress of this
new influence. Now, previously to this period, Greek vase
painters, working principally in a conventional groove of geo-
metric compositions, had been accustomed to limit their repre-
sentations to patterns and forms geometrically treated and
arranged ; and hence we may account for the fact that, among
the shapes dating from prae-Chalcidian times, no hylix, so far
as I know, occurs ; indeed, I am not aware that we have any
painted kylix of the form definitely fixed which is earlier than
our example A, It is therefore particularly interesting to
observe how the artist has set to work to decorate this shape,
which we may assume to have been new to him. We shall see,
I think, that A at least shows some of the diflSculties which the
early painters had to master before the system of decorating a
kylix became stereotyped; nay, more, that these four vases,
which in other respects seem to represent successive stages
of development, show us successive advances towards the
surmounting of these diflSculties.

A kylix naturally offers two main fields for decoration: a
circular space in the interior, and the exterior surface of the
body. Now, of these, the circle of decoration in the interior
may be of any size, but it will always present a space for few
figures, inasmuch as its height always approximates to its
breadth, and therefore we have in the interior more usually

H.S. — VOL. V. Q

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226 FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.

metope gi*oups. On the exterior, however, considering that a
narrow band around the Kp is the only part really visible when
the vase rests on its foot, we have necessarily a surface of con-
siderably greater breadth than height, which obviously demands
a frieze treatment ; and hence it is in the arrangement of the
Oriental frieze-space of the exterior, as yet somewhat new to the
artist, that we shall expect to find him least at home, and falling
back more readily upon Oriental ideas.

Now in considering the band on the exterior of his vase, the
artist meets at once with a tectonic difficulty in the position of
the handles, which fall necessarily upon the space available for
decoration, and which break up the free circular band which he
otherwise would have ; so we find that in A and B, though he
recognises the natural division of his field, and places two distinct
scenes upon it, yet he has not discovered how to accept these
divisions as a necessity, but allows each of his scenes to overlap
the handle in order that the space beneath the handles shall be
decorated. In G we have a further development, where the
division of the two scenes by the handles is more distinctly
recognised, the spaces beneath them being filled with con-
ventional figures of swans which have no connection with the
scenes and are intended merely as ornaments ; while in D we
see the principle obtaining which becomes henceforward a fixed
practice among hylix painters, where the space beneath the
handles is decorated with buds of lotos, from which branch
tendrils on either side, terminating in the anthemion, which is of
the form afterwards regularly adopted by the hylix painters
such as Hermogenes and his contemporaries.

To this principle, no doubt, we owe in A the insertion of a
kneeling figure of a warrior, and also of the repetition of the boy
beside the Medusa in B, neither of which demand, I think, any
further explanation in reference to the scenes to which they
belong. In B, 3, the jwrocession of warrioi*s has been carried on
beneath the handle, and the Sphinx in A belongs to the merely
conventional type of ornament.^

These four vases indicate successive stages of development,
not only in composition, but also in various points of technique
and treatment : we can trace them for instance in the usage, at

* For this principle of repetition of motives upon vases, see Arch, Zcii. 1881,
p. 49.

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VOVn ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES. 227

first veiy frequent, but gradually diminishing, of incised lines.
These lines, as I remarked just now, belong more naturally
to the decoration of metal, and involve considerable difficulty
when applied to terra-cotta: as they were added after one
baking or even (as when laid over the white) after at least two
bakings, when the vase is fairly hard, it would require the finest
possible tool to secure lines which should not be jagged and
uneven. When, therefore, an artist like the painter of A, with
whom richness of ornament is a primary object, sets to work as
he has done upon the mantle of the King of Gods, the labour
and care which he bestows must be enormous. It is natural
then that improvements in this direction should tend towards
the economy of labour, and so we find a diminishing proportion
of incised lines in our four examples. The earliest Chalcidian
vases, as well as some of the earlier vases of probably Korinthian
fabric, have this peculiarity, that the outlines of the human face,
and often that of the entire figure also, are incised : in A and
B, where the richness of the incised inner markings is specially
noticeable, this characteristic is universally prevalent ; in C the
outer incised outline is already disappearing, and is in fact only
adopted for the beard and chin ; while in 1) it scarcely occurs
at all.

Again, whereas in the first two of our hylikes we have the
purple and white laid on in large masses, and these colours
themselves often covered with incised lines, distributed im-
partially with the black, in the second and later pair these
colours are distinctly subordinated to the black, and, where
used, they are generally inserted rather with a view to save the
trouble of incising ; for instance, in the dresses in (7, and more
especially in the case of the Gorgons in D, instead of the minute
elaborate incised patterns of the preceding examples, we have
these colours only laid on in small plain masses, or else a
sprinkling of large painted rosettes upon the black — a principle
which henceforth marks the so-called ' Chalcidian ' style.

All the earliest styles of vase-painting on which subjects occur,
start with the principle of horror vacui, and advance no doubt
from this towards the ideal of a free figure in a free field ; now
in A it is obvious that the artist is still thoroughly imbued
with the necessity of filling every available space with ornament,
so that in 1 we haye a Siren inserted^ in 2 and 3, as well a^

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228 FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.

in B, we have the spare field filled with lotos tendrils and buds ; ^
in ^ a much smaller number of figures serve to occupy the
design ; while in D the entire band is left empty except for the
space occupied by the one Gorgon on either side.

Lastly, as regards the portion of the exterior which is not
occupied by the band of the design : whereas in A and B this
space from the frieze to the stem of the vase is left red and
decorated with an elaborate system of patterns, in the remaining
vases the same space is merely covered with black glaze.

If then I am justified in my assumption that these four vases
represent successive stages of one type of art, we can plainly
see in them two main tendencies, firstly the elimination of
extraneous and unnecessary ornament, and secondly the growing
importance of the figures, and therefore of the dction of the
figures, as the only decoration for the vase.

Turning now to the treatment of the individual scenes on
the exterior of our vases, we cannot but see how distinctly the
frieze treatment proper, as we get it here, conduces to working
in conventional * heraldic ' grooves ; the artist in A and B has a
long space to fill and appears at a loss for figures with which to
fill it : where in similar cases a definite myth is represented, the
usual practice is to add impartially male and female figures on
either side of the central group until the space is filled ; and it
may be that to this necessity we owe originally the thrice
repeated Gorgon, and perhaps the introduction in A, 2, of the
unusually large number of gods: while, for the reverse com-
positions, the artist in the one case falls back on the ordinary
duel theme which we find so frequently upon Korinthian
aryhalli, and in the other is content merely to repeat five times
the same group of a warrior and his horses. At a later period
the same horror vacui is not felt and so we get a treatment
which, if it loses in ' Epic ' fulness of detail, gains considerably
in fi:«edom of arrangement.

If the evidence thus obtained from our special instances ad-
mits of a more general application, we shall find, I think, that
in all the vases of this class a similar development may be traced.

* Cf. the same principle in the whereas in A the lotos comes straight

painted sarcophagus from Clazomenae, out from the horder, in B every stalk

puhlished in the Hellenic Journal, vol. has the upper extremity finished off

iv. p. 5, figs. 5, 6. It is curious that, with a spiral.

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FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES. 229

In that case a conjecture may be allowed which, if correct, would
dispose of a diflSculty which meets us in the decoration of these
early paintings. In several cases, especially among the hylUces
of this metaHurgic style, we have the outer band ornamented
with colossal eyes, two on either side of the vase. Now we
have seen that the artists were frequently at a loss to provide
for the decoration of the long frieze-spaces here presented, and
hence it would seem they were led in one of two directions ;
either, as in -D, to the insertion of a single figure or group of
figures in the centre of the band, the remainder being left
empty ; or, to the construction of a pseudo-tectonic division of
the field by the insertion of these eyes, which with the handles
split up the band into spaces suitable for small metope groups.
Thus in the large kylix, Hon, Lied. ix. 11, the artist has by this
device saved himself the labour of constructing a second enor-
mous frieze, and has instead four spaces admirably adapted for
small groups. Why the particular ornament of eyes should be
chosen does not seem clear ; the cups on which they occur show
traces of imitation from metal ; now in a metal cup the handles
would as a rule be decorated at their insertion with a moulded
leaf, the outline of which is exactly that of an eye ; bearing in
mind that on the painted vases the eyes are generally close to
the handles, it is possible that this similarity may have suggested
the device adopted by the vase painter.

The most usual form, so far as we know, adopted by the
painters of Chalcidian vases is that of the amphora, of which
only one side can be seen by the spectator at a time, and
where therefore one of the two designs is more important, the
other usually a mere conventional scene. With this fact in
view, it is curious to observe that whereas in later painted
kylikes no distinction is generally made in the relative import-
ance of the two sides ; in the case of A, B, and G, on the other
hand, only one side has a definite interest, the reverse sides
in all three cases showing groups which belong to the stock
' properties ' of the vase painters' repertory. No less a mark of
the style is, as has been always remarked, the strong predilection
for exhibiting figures in full face, a feat which a later and
wiser generation for the most part eschewed, whereas we find,
in the vases before us, no less than ten examples of the full
face, inclusive of the Gorgoneion. We have, moreover, with

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230 FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.

the Gorgons in B the usual type of wings peculiar to the vases
of this time, wherein each wing seems to consist of two portions:
above, the recurved pinion often attached in Eastern art to the
figures of deities and monsters such as Sphinxes, and below it,
the ordinary birds' wing which remains constant henceforward
in Greek art: these two together form one wing, and it may
well be that they would themselves have given rise, among
those unaccustomed to the form, to the idea of a Trjpvovrjf;
TerpdiTTCKo^,

There are two peculiarities in the dresses of the figures on
our vases which seem worthy of notice ; the first is the unusual
treatment of the hem of the talaric chiton which is in several cases
here represented as longer behind the feet, where it hangs nearly
to the ground : this is specially remarkable in the case of the
seated figure of Her^, whose dress, though clinging around the
legs, hangs down at the back of the footstool ; a similar treat-
ment is observable in the reliefs of the Harpy Tomb, where the
dresses of the seated figures are brought back behind the foot-
stool exactly in the same way : it may be that there is in this
actually some foundation in fact, — a recollection perhaps of the
Ionic ladies ' eXKexircove^^y'^ — or that in both cases we have
merely mannerisms of the artists. The other peculiarity occurs
in the costume of the warriors upon our vases: the ordinary
metal cuirass does not occur at all, and the only covering
generally for the body is the ordinary short chiton: in some
cases, however (e.g. Ares in A^ 2, and the warrior in B, 1) the
skin of an animal is knotted over the chiton, the paws hanging
down, and though I do not know of any passage in literature
where such a custom is represented, it would appear that this
was not, as has beeji supposed, a characteristic only of types
•connected with rural ideas,^ but frequently a real addition to
the costume of war.

The term * Chalcidian ' has been adopted as including a class
of vases which falls in point of time at the earliest beginning of
the black-figured style proper ; following close upon that earlier

^ II, xiii. 685 ; cf. Helbig, Homer ' Ugue of Vases in British Museum, 421 ;

ische Epos, p. 132. sometimes, specially on Chalcidian

^ Cf. Gerhard, Aus, Vas. i , Taf. xvi. vases, UTider a cuirass, e.g. ibid, 565,

and see ibid. p. 61. It is frequently 666.
worn by ordinary warriors, e.g. Cata-

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FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES. 231

art of Korinth, where we find paintings upon a drab ground, and
partly contemporary with it, they precede, and no doubt influence
not a little, the later Korinthian paintings upon a red ground.

So much is clear, but our first problem in dealing with this
class of so-called Chalcidian vases is to determine what their
relation is to the vases of other fabrics which we may presume
to have been contemporary, and above all what is their relation
to the fabric of Athens. In the products of that early seat of
Keramic art, as also in the Chalcidian fabric, the texture of the
clay is exceedingly light and fine, the colour is the red more or
less bright with which we are familiar as the result of the adUaix^
ture of some metallic oxide, and the designs axe laid on in a fine
black glaze with incised lines and accessories, employed more or
less freely, in purple and white.

When we examine the vases of the earlier Korinthian fabric,
those of Kyrenfe, and the series of pindkes and oinochoai from
Rhodes, whatever fabric they may represent, we find that they
are usually made of a light drab clay, whereas at Athens from
a very early period, the potter certainly employed red clay ; we
have in fact a regular series of vases which may for the most
part be with certaitity deferred to Athens, and of which the clay
is always red or reddish brown. These early vases exhibit
successive stages of Keramography, which precede the more
matured style which we call black-figured*

Thus, to take examples of the fabric of Athens ; in the Burgon
lebes in the British Museum,^ we see an art almost wholly Under
the influence of Oriental tradition. On the bowl from Aegina
(Arch. Zeit. 1882, Taf. 9, 10) the design is treated in a style
still markedly geometric, but in which the influence of Oriental
cut may be clearly traced ; and in the Burgon Panathenaic vase
and the Fran§ois vase at Florence, we have representatives of
later stages of Keramography — still antecedent to the regular
black-figured style. Assuming the examples here cited to be
of Attic fabric, we are justified in asserting that a school of
Keramography with motives derived from Oriental art was
developed at Athens very early. Are We to range these Athe-
nian vases under the general class Chalcidian, or are we to
regard them as the product of an independent school of Fictile
Art?

' Guide to First Vase^Boom, p. 21, No. 3. -.

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232 FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.

Here I must refer to the arguments of Klein in his Euplironiosf
in regard to this alleged Chalcidian class. He gives in that work
(p. 31), a list of vases which, partly on palaeographical grounds,
partly from the peculiar characteristics of their style, he claims as
representatives of this class. First, as to the epigraphical evidence.
Kirchhoff (Geschichte d. Gr, Alph, 2nd edition, p. 110), attributes
these vases to the colonies of Southern Italy, in which the alpha-
bet was certainly in use, which we find in the inscriptions of the
vases now under consideration. But in his third edition, p. 104,
he admits that the same alphabet may be recognised, at Chalcis,
in Euboea. He observes in the rich ornaments of these vases a
strongly marked Ionic character, and sees the same TiaiveU and
realistic tendency, the same life and freedom of movement which
characterises the designs of the early coins of Chalcis and its
colonies. He further points out that the important place which
this city occupies in early history, and its widespread influence
through its numerous colonies, are grounds for supposing that
it was from Chalcis that the Etruscans derived not only their
alphabet, but also their early art, where again we may trace
the influence of Asiatic tradition.

A further characteristic of the so-called Chalcidian vases is
to be noted in the reminiscences of metallurgic art which are
to be found in the design and execution of their paintings.
Results which in metal were attained by technical processes
appropriate to that material are feebly and inadequately ren-
dered in clay. Again, we see in the design a predilection for
frieze compositions and certain quaint conventionalities which,
we may call heraldic. The ornaments, too, are often of a cha-
racter foreign to the spirit of later Greek art.

We may at once admit that all these peculiar features in the
design and treatment are such as would naturally result from
the influence of an Asiatic school, but it does not follow, as
Klein contends, that they are characteristics found exclusively
in the so-called Chalcidian vases.

In the Fran5ois vase, which though found in Northern Italy
-may be classed as a product of the Attic school, we have the same
Epic naiveti and fulness of detail, the same lively action, the same
reminiscences of a metallurgic style, and of heraldic conven-
tionalities as we have already noted, and later on in the vases
of Nikosthenes we can clearly trace the same characteristics

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FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES. 233

Moreover, if the four Tcylikes here published, which according
to Klein's reasoning should be Chalcidian, are closely studied,
it will be seen that when compared with the hylikes from
Kyren^, collected by Puchstein (Arch. Zeit, 1881, p. 215), they
present marked similarities in the shape and also in the treat-
ment of such details as the eye, the mane and taU of the horses
and in the system of ornamenting the exergue. As the so-called
Chalcidian vases enumerated by Klein are none of them hylikes
and nearly all amphorae, they do not so easily admit of compari-
son with the four vases from Ehodes now under consideration,
as the peculiarities of treatment in the design appropriate to
one shape of vase were not so suitable to another shape, and
the four Rhodian vases, we must remember, are all hylihes.

Reviewing Klein's argument once more, the only evidence
which seems to me of decided weight is that of the epigraphy,
and even this, strong as it is, can hardly be accepted as final,
when we remember the strange anomalies which have sometimes
found their way into the writings on vases, and the comparative
scarcity of vases so inscribed. Unless, therefore, we can persuade
ourselves that the influence of Chalcidian Fictile Art was so
strong and pervading, as to infuse its characteristics into the
contemporary Athenian and Kyrenian schools of Keramography,
we can only at present affirm thus much : that before the general
adoption of the black-figured style, there existed in various
places centres of Fictile Art which all showed certain common
features, chpxacteristic of their age. The most marked of these
features are the metallurgic reminiscences and traditions in their
forms, ornaments and technical treatment, the survival of
Oriental types and motives, and a peculiar naivete in the
treatment of the subjects depicted.

The intimate connection between the vases of Nikosthenes
and the metallurgic art of Phoenicia has been already remarked
(Arch. Zeit 1881, p. 37) ; and when we consider the peculiarities
of the * Chalcidian ' style as represented on our kylikes, we shall
find in them quite as striking an analogy to the Phoenician
metal bowls and the early painted vases of Cyprus. In Perrot,
Mist, de I* Art, iii. Fig. 482, we see the same gigantic lotos
blooms, and in Fig. 506, the same form of throne and an ivy
leaf pattern such as occur on the vases before us. While in the
ornamentation of the vase on Fig. 507, we have the prototypes

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234 FOUR ABCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES,

of the Greek lotos pattern, the ' Chalcidian rosettes/ and the
elaborate decorations of the drapery,- in which the early traditions
of the Geometric style for a long time survived.

The three representations of myths v^rhich are figured on our
vases are so important in the evidence which they oflfer of the
early artistic history of these myths that they will each no doiibt
in time find their proper share of attention in comprehensive
studies of the individual myths which they illustrate. Mean-
while I should wish to offer a few remarks which have occurred
to me by the way.

-4, 1. — The dragging of Eassandra from the shrine of Atiienfe,
where she had taken refuge, by Ajax Oileus. The mythography
of this, one of the most favourite scenes from the Iliupersis, has
been collected by Klein in an article in the Annali dell' InsL
1877, p. 24&. Of the great number of instances of this scene
which he has there collected/ seventeen occur on vases of the
black-figured stylcy but, as far as one can judge, none is so early
in point of date as the composition on our vase. From a com-
parison of these it would appear that the representations are
naturally divisible into two main classes, viz. those in which
Kassandra is shown as in our vase, already crouching ait the
feet of the statue, and those where she flies from her pursuer
to the shrine. The composition most usually chosen upon these
black-figured vases is the former of these, and it is pix)bably the
same as was seen by Pausanias upon the chest of Kypselos (Paus.
V. 19, 5), K.acrcrdvipav airo rov a^aXfiaTo^ Ata? t^9 *A0rjvd<f
€\/co)v : but whereas there, as on the later vases, Ajax is
actually dragging away his victim, in the present case, and in
similar scenes clearly inspired by one and the same original
type, Ajax appears not so much dragging her away as in the
act of killing her at the shrine. It may be that Pausanias
mistook the action which he saw on the work of art which he
describes, but at any rate it would seem that the killing motive
must have been the earlier. It is curious that our attist has
adopted the unusual device of obscuring the head of Kassandra
behind the figure of Athen^ ; later painters, in striving to bring

^ To Ms list an important addition lani sale at Rome (Sale CcUalogue, No.

must be made in the fictile Ukythos X40), and which is almost identical

with a group in relief lately purchased with the Borghese relief of the same

by the British Museum at th^ Castel- subject.

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FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.

235

her whole body into view, have often been obliged to represent
lier as of diminutive size, in order to crowd the figure into the
limited space beneath the shield of the goddess. In keeping,
probably, with the original type from which this is copied,
Kassandra is represented as completely nude, in spite of the
obvious preference of the artist for elaborately draped figures,
and which leads him without any apparent reason to decorate
her thigh with an incised spiral.* The upper garment of Ajax
is, contrary to all precedent,^ coloured white and decorated with
elaborate incised patterns ; we cannot help being reminded of
the linen thorax dedicated by Amasis, and of the epithet
XivoOdopa^ specially applied to the Lokrian Ajax in the Cata-
logue of the Ships j at any rate the peculiar cut of this garment
about the neck would seem to distinguish it from an ordinary
chiton, and would not be unsuitable to the presumptive form of
a cuirass of linen ; especially as the remains probably of such a
garment have actually been found in a tomb at Corneto {Moot.
delV Inst x. x^ 3).

Ay 2.— Herakles introduced into Olympos. The delightftil
nalvet4 and freshness of this group look almost as though they
must have been inspired by Homer himself. The scene might
perfectly represent the court of any one of the poet's kings^
into whose presence, seated beside his consort, an embassy is

^ The spiral, a mere ornament here,
is 1 think suggested by the similar one
on the warrior's thigh in j5, 1, where
it probably has an origin in fact ; it
represents a protection for the thigh,
most likely of metal, corresponding to
the greave which it naturally would
resemble in form. It is visible on
numerous vases of this style (e.g. Mus.
Or eg. ii, liii.), and is nearly always
decorated with a spiral pattern ; on a
vase of a private collection from Rhodes
it is worn by an Amazon, and coloured
black, like her greave, to distinguish
it from the white colour of her flesh.
It may be the vapa/xTipldiov of Xen,
^nab. I. 8, 6.

' Of. the vases of Exekias and his
style, and Mr. Leafs remarks our this
fetlbject, Hellenic Jourrial, vol. iv p. 83.
See also Helbig, EoToerische Epos, p.

203. Plate xl. does not clearly show,
wliat is evident upon the vase, that
this cuirass is of a form which is rarely
found upon black figured vases, but
which is the usual form upon those of
the later style. It consists of a broad
belt around the body, to which two
broad shoulder-pieces are attached be-
hind ; these are brought over the
shoulders and fastened to the belt in
front. As in many red-figured vases,
these two portions are here distin-
guished, the belt being decorated, while
the shoulder-pieces are left plain. It
is obvious that a cuirass so constructed
would, as in the case upon A, 1 , leave
a portion of the chest bare. For other
instances upon black figured vases, be-
sides those of Exekias, see Mus, Qreg,
II. PI. xlviii., and EL Cer. i. PI. viiL

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236 FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.

being introduced by the court herald. It is an excellent
example of the Chalcidian manner at its best, the work of
artists who are beginning to feel their way out of the stiff
conventionality of Oriental tradition : the scene is instinct with
the life which breathes throughout every line of the Greek
Epics,

The crowning episode in the hero's career is put before us
here with a clearness which there is no mistaking. Having
finished the labours brought upon him by the wrath of Herfe, he
is at length permitted to dwell with the gods in Olympos —

fier ddavdrovac Beolcnv
Tepirerai iv OaXlri^ koX ^p^et KaWla'<f)vpov'^}i^r)v
iralha Ato9 /JbeydXoco xal ^^Hfyq^ ^vaoTreBiKov.

Odyssey, xi. 602,

This passage has been distrusted by the Scholiasts on the ground
that the apotheosis of Homer and his marriage with Heb^ — two
episodes always closely allied — do not properly belong to the
Homeric era, but to the muthologema of later times. In any
case the myth was in existence as early as Sappho ; and though
we have at present no representation of it in art earlier than that
upon our vase, we have the description of a similar scene
among the reliefs upon the throne of Apollo by Bathykles
at Amyklae (Paus. iii. 18, 11), and also upon the altar
there (ibid, iii. 19, 5) ; and so far I can see no reason for sharing
the doubts of the commentators as to the authenticity of the
Homeric passage.

The type of this scene which obtains most generally in later
art is somewhat different to ours : it shows, as a rule, Herakles
in a triumphal quadriga, escorted by Athenfe or Nikfe as
charioteer ; it is quite possible that this other type may be of a
later origin, no example of it, so far as I know, dating from before
the later black-figured style.

At any rate it seems probable that the Bathykles type and
that on our vase were both inspired by some pre-existing type,
which, from the apparent similarity between these two, must
have been already definitely fixed, and may quite possibly have
dated as far back as the Epic cycle.

Herakles, then, is here viro *A0r]va<; koI Oe&v t&v oKKtov . . .
ayofievo^ €9 ovpavov. The mysteries of ' snow-capt Olympos *

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FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES. 237

are revealed to us, and we see the Cloud-Compeller himself seated
in state —

e^ero S' iv KXicrfi^, vtto Sk 0prjw(; iroalv fjev,^

his sandaled feet resting on a footstool; in his left hand the
thunderbolt — a very dififerent form to the elaborate winged type
of later art — ^his ambrosial locks falling low upon his shoulders,
and robed in a gorgeous dress not unworthy of the king of gods.
The procession of deities who approach him have all their special
distinguishing attributes : Hermes, his keryJceion, cJUamys, petasos,
and a curious type of endromidea with double wings, before and
behind ; Athenfe, her snake-fringed aegis and helmet, and buckler
with the Gorgon face ; Artemis, in either hand a bow and arrows,
lox^acpa ; and Ares wears the ordinary costume of a warrior,
with a skin knotted over the short chiton, and a cross-belt
which has probably been intended to support a scabbard
which is not shown ; curiously enough, the artist, as if the
Perseus of B were in his mind, has assigned to Ares the talaria
and the wallet, kibisis, hanging from a second cross-belt, which
certainly do not seem to belong naturally to the god of war.
Like him, Herakles is empty-handed, as if the artist, hesitating
between the earlier and later types, had discarded the bow,
but has not yet assigned to him the club ; at his back, how-
ever, his quiver still is hanging, and the lion-skin is sulBScient to
mark his individuality. All these figures have the right hand
uplifted, as if in supplication to Zeus.

All except Artemis have naturally their place in the scene :
Athen^ and Hermes as the faithful companions of the hero's
labours. Ares as the child of Zeus and Her^. Why Artemis
should be specially chosen is not clear, except that as a specially
Eastern deity and as one constantly figuring upon the Oriental
class of vases, she would naturally be at hand with an artist of
such strongly Asiatic sympathies as ours. If we may as early
as this connect her with Eileithuia,^ she would have a closer
connection still as the sister of Ares and daughter of Zeus and
Herfe; for in Hesiod, Theog. 922, the children of the king and queen
of gods were '^ll^r)v koX "Afyqa xal Ev\€i0viav; and in that case we

, iv. 136. as on the chest of Kypselos, with par-

^ May not this he the reason why we dalis and lion in either hand ?
have not here the ordinary archaic type

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23a FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES.

liave the triad complete, for behind Zeus sits AeuArciXei/o? "Hprj,
and on a pedestal at her side stands KaXKla(f>vpo<; "'H/S?;. The
close connection between these two goddesses is a tradition that
was preserved in all stages of Greek art. In Argos, Pausanias
tells us, stood the statue of Hebfe beside the Hera of Polykleitos ;
in Mantineia, beside the throned Hera of Praxiteles, stood Hebfe
and Athen^. And the same group occurs on the £rieze>of the
Parthenon and numerous vase pictures.^ It seems peculiarly
appropriate to this scene that she should specially supplicate her
mother, for when the wrath of Hera was turned away it was
Heb^ whom her mother gave as the bride of the newly admitted
God.

The figure of Herfe is what we are familiar with as the early
type of the goddess, such as we have it on the Francois vase
and on the metope of Selinus. Suggested perhaps, originally, by
the nuptial group of the lepo^ ydfLog of Zeus and Here, where
the pair ride side by side in the quadriffajS>nd where the gesture
of the hand raising the mantle is specially useful as bringing
more of the figure in the background into view, this type
.became adopted as the usual mode of representing a bride
in Greek art — and the same gesture was still employed, as
here, where the necessity for it was no longer apparent.^

In the thrones of Zeus and Her^ our artist has allowed his
love of ornament full scope ; it is somewhat difficult to make
out what is exactly their form, because the seat is covered with
richly embroidered hangings :•—

Iv T€ dpqvoi^ €VTroc7]TOV(TC TaTrrjTa^;
/3aXKeT§ 7rop<j}Vpeov^„

(Odyssey, xx. 150).

It would seem, however, that there is no hand-rail, as occurs for
instance on the Harpy Tomb, but a horizontal rail below the seat,
and that the uprights are decorated, in the space between these
two horizontal pieces, with spirals ; in place of the hand-rail,
however, and balancing, as it were, the high back, is a lotos
bloom which springs upwards from the front legs at their in-
sertion into the seat ; and probably with a view to fill the field,

* See Overbeck, Kunstmyth. and cf. ^ This bridal character of Herfe has

the cup of SosiaB, Gerhard, TrinkscK been noted by Murray, Oreck Sculpture^
vi.— vii. i. p. 265.

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FOUR ABCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES. 239

the artist has exaggerated the size of these, giving them the
same proportions as those which already decorate the field, near
the handles. The back of the chair of Zeus is in the form of
a snake, similar to those upon the aegis of Athenfe; a swan's
head and neck in this connection are usually employed, and I
know of no other instance exactly similar : but perhaps we may
compare the snakes modelled on early Dipylon and Cyprus vases,
and the snake which climbs the handle of a Chalcidian oinochod,
recently purchased by the British Museum, and which has two
heads which lie on either side along the lip of the vase.^

Puchstein {loc, cit,) remarks upon the Eastern origin of most
scenes with seated figures in Greek art, and the marked Egyp-
tian character of the Arkesilaos vase ; and his remarks would
specially apply to this scene, in which the procession of striding
deities with their stiff attitudes, the seated figures and the an-
gular arms, the clinging dress and circular earrings of the female
figures, all remind one of an Egyptian frieze. But though the
artist uses still an Oriental model for certain details of treatment,
the spirit of his work is essentially Greek.

B, 2. — The myth of Perseus and Medusa is of such frequent
occun'ence in Greek art that it hardly seems to require any
special comment here. There are, however, two points which
have a special interest, the introduction of the horse-headed
Medusa and the two naked boys. The entire scene is exactly
that described by Hesiod in the Scut, Her, 1. 216, &c., with these
exceptions :

Medusa, deprived by Perseus of her head, still follows her
sisters in their pursuit of the hero ; it is curious that, though in
other respects the passage of Hesiod just quoted exactly coin-
cides with our scene, yet he makes no mention there of
Pegasos and Chrysaor ; and yet the myth is not unknown to
hin), as it appes^rs to be to Homer ; for in the Theog, 280, he
says :

i^€0op€ ^pvQ-dcop T€ fi€ya<; koI HTjyaa-o^; ?7r7ro9.

The connection of the horse with Medusa, though of rare
occurrence, is variously indicated at different periods in Greek

^ See Helbig, loc, cit. pp. 282, 283, d. deictsch, Inst, vol. 2, pi. xx.— xxv.
and cf. the Spartan reliefs in Mittheil, p. 461.

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240 FOUR ARCHAIC VASES FROM RHODES;

art ; in a vase of black ware in the British Museum,^ ornamented
with a frieze impressed in intaglio, we have the latest and most
complete development of this myth, where a winged horse flies
upward from the decapitated body of the Gorgon : in the
Selinus metope she holds a horse in her arms ; considering the
story of Pausanias of the horse-headed Demeter at Phigalia
(viii. 42, 1), and the prevalence in earliest Greek art of semi-
human forms, among which the head of a horse is a favourite
element,^ it seems not improbable that we have here an example
of the earliest type in which the myth assumed a definite
artistic shape.

How Chrysaor comes in, it is difficult to say : the figure as here
given is one which is sometimes to be found among the bands
of animals upon Oriental vases, where it is, like the other animals,
no more than a mere ornament ; we may perhaps compare the
similar conventional employment of human figures in the
Odyssey y vii. 100 —

j(pv<reioi, 8* apa Kovpoi . . . ecrracrav, —

and from this point of view, the repetition of the same figure
in our scene between the two sisters of Medusa does not appear
wholly unreasonable.*

The entire scene, even down to the horse-headed Medusa, is
almost identically reproduced on a kylix in Gerhard, Trinksch.
ii.-iii. ; the figures of Athenfe and the two boys are there
wanting, but the field is in consequence less crowded ; for this
and other reasons it seems later than our vase, though the form,
system, and technique are identical ; the figures of the Gorgons *
exactly resemble those upon our vase D, a fact which is impor-
tant because Gerhard's Jcylix is closely allied to the style of
Nikosthenes, to whose period D might very well be attributed.

Cecil Smith.

1 Mon. delV Inst 1855, ii. p. 17. which attacks Prometheus is thrice

^ See Milchhdfer, Anfdnge der Kunst, represented in the same scene,

p. 62. * In neither of these cases have they

' The same principle of repeating a snakes around the waist. Those in /?,

figure from a composition, in order to however, correspond exactly in this

fill an empty space, is shown in the respect with the description of Hesiod,

Geryon scene on the pyxis, aiUe, and Scut. Her, 233 —

also in the vase in Benndorf, Ghr, u, M 8^ (flovipei BpdKoyre

Sie, Vas, p. 106, where the vulture ^oi^ kirrfwpwvi^ iiriKvpr^ovrt Kdprivcu

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SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA. 241

SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

The monument represented on the accompanying plate
(No, XLIV.), is situated near the village of Liyen,^ and is
familiar to the natives of the surrounding district under the
name Arslan Kaya, Lion Rock. It is about seven miles west-
north-west of the cluster of monuments at Ayazeen/ described in
this Journal, 1882, p. 1 jf, and several less important archaic
tombs exist at Bei Keui and other places between Liyen and
Ayazeen, so that this whole series may be grouped together and
distinguished from the other series which surrounds the tomb
of Midas. It is probable that the two groups belong to two
distinct Phrygian cities of great antiquity — ^two of those cities
whose former existence was known to Strabo (p. 567), but which
had ceased to exist long before his time. It will be convenient,
in want of the ancient names, to distinguish these two ancient
cities by reference to the Roman towns which stood near them
— Meros at Kumbet, near the Midas-tomb, and Metropolis south
of Ayazeen.

Arslan Kaya is a tall conical rock, of sugar-loaf shape, stand-
ing quite isolated on a steep grassy slope.* The mass of the
rock, higher than ten feet from the ground, is a fine soft con-
glomerate, the same in which the majority of the Phrygian
tombs are carved. Between ten and five feet above the ground

^ Liyen is not marked on Kiepert's which is indicated on Kiepert's map.

map, where the whole district in which ^ The total height is probably about

the Phrygian monuments are situated fifty to sixty feet ; but it is difficult to

is almost a blank. It is a village on judge. The drawings on PI. XLIV.

the road from Afium Kara Hissar to have unfortunately been made too tall.

Kutayah, seven hours from the former, My sketches on the spot were restricted

eleven hours from the latter, and about to the sculptured part of the rock,
two hours south-east of Doghan Aislan

H.S, — VOL. V. K

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SJ42 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

is a layer of sandstone, horizontally stratified. Below this
again is a soft conglomerate. The monument is carved entirely
in the upper conglomerate.

i: N

The rock has been cut on three sides, so as to present three
smooth vertical faces at right angles to each other, looking

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SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA. 243

respectively east, south, and west. The southern or central
face is the most important. It is similar in style to the class
of monuments of which the Midas-tomb is the type. A flat
rectangular surface, ornamented in a geometrical pattern, and
having a doorway in the lower part, is surmounted by a pedi-
ment, with a quaint acroterion over the apex. The geometrical
pattern has suflfered so much from the weather that it cannot
now be properly understood : but an occasiotial fragment shows
that it was an arrangement of squares or maeanders and crosses,
such as is usual in these monuments*^ The whole is carved
in exceedingly low relief. On the band that divides the pedi-
ment from the rectangular surface, an inscription in the tall
narrow Phrygian characters was engraved : but it is not
decipherable at the distance from which a spectator who has
no ladder must contemplate it.^

The pediment is not plain, as in the other monuments of this
type, but is sculptured in relief, like the pediment of the tomb
at Kumbet, engraved by M. Perrot, Explor, ArcMologigue en
Galatie, &c.j pi. vii.

Two sphinxes of very archaic character stand in the two
angles, turned towards each other, but separated by the sup-
porting column which always occupies the Iniddle of these
pediments. Their faces are directed outwards, the ears are
very large, but the features are now hopelessly obliterated.^ A
long curl hangs down in archaic style over the shoulder of each.
On the day which I spent drawing the monument I did not
observe that the sex was indicated ; but on the following moin-
ing, when we returned to compare each detail of the drawings
with the original, it appeared to me, and I think also to Mr.
Sterrett, that the left-hand sphinx was characterised as male.
Such a detail was visible only in a favourable light, and in the
worn state of the surface is very uncertain.

A band of maeander pattern runs along the two sloping sides
of the pediment.

^ Arslan Kaya has suffered more iascrij)tion is hopelessly obliterated,

from the weather than any other of ^ The sphinx on the right is much

the great monuments in Phrygia : the more dilapidated than that on the left,

others are protected by projecting parts It seemed better in drawing to restore

of the rock overhead. it exactly on the analogy of its better-

^ On a later visit I observed that the preserved neighbour.

R 2

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244 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

The acroterion is very remarkable : it is distinctly intended
to represent two serpents' heads.

The doorway in the lower part of monuments of this class
has in the examples hitherto met with been shut. In the
present case however the two valves of the door are thrown
wide open, and merely represented in relief against the sides of
the little chamber into which the door gives admittance. On
each wing of the door there is a horizontal row of little round
knobs near the top, showing that it represents a wooden door
studded with iron nails. On the right wing is a defaced
ornament which may be a lock or possibly a knocker.

The form of the doorway should be compared with those of
the Midas-tomb and of the monument at Delikli Tash.
M. Perrot ^ has already observed the peculiar form of the lintel
in these cases. I know no analogy to the curious projecting
members in the lower part of the door, nor to the faint lines
above the pediment.

I have already suggested (Journal, 1882, p. 27), that the outer
face of the monuments of this class is intended to imitate the
oriental carpets which were sometimes in Greek temples hung
in front of the holy figure of the temple-deity to conceal it from
profane eyes : thus, in the temple of Cora at Mantineia, the
priestess iaKeiraaev ret Uph /Jbvcrrijpia, hanging in front of
them an oriental carpet, 'The dead man too is a god,
and his sanctuary is hidden from view behind the carpet
of rock.^

The present monument appears to me to justify completely
the words which I used two years ago. Through the open door
we penetrate behind the veil into the sanctuary. Carved in
relief on the back of the little chamber, we see the two rampant
lionesses,* which are the favourite device in Phrygian monuments.
But in this case they do not rest their paws against a colunm :
they lay them on the shoulders of the goddess herself, and place
their heads lovingly against hers: €V(f>pcov icaXit hpoaoia-i
XeTTTOA? /Jia\ep&v Xeovraav. This position constitutes a new
variety of the well-known hieratic schema called the * Persian
Artemis.'

The lionesses are represented in profile, and only one of the

^ Compare his account of Delikli ^ The sex is doubtful, owing to

Tash and his note on the Midas*tomb. mutilation of the surface.

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SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA. 245

forepaws is visible. There is a curious marking on the fore-leg,
perhaps intended to indicate muscles. Both hind legs and the
long curling tail are visible. The image of Cybele was carved
in very high relief on the back of the chamber. It was similar

Ceiling

Line of Ifloor

in style to those archaic terra-cotta idols, the upper part of which
imitates the human figure, while the lower part is a mere
cylinder growing wider towards the bottom, so as to afford a
broad and secure basis for the idol to stand. This figure was
represented in relief fully a foot high ; but the soft conglomerate
was unsuited for a relief standing out so boldly, and the front
part has fallen off, leaving an uneven surface. On the other
hand the two lionesses are in very low relief and are therefore
in excellent preservation except the heads, in which the relief
is rather higher, and the surface of the abdomen.

A similar idol, much ruder and smaller than this one,
stands in a little niche about three feet high, near the
Lion-tombs.

The figure of Cybele occupied the whole height of the wall,
ix, seven feet two inches. The arms were pressed against the

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246 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS^ IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

sides , the elbows were bent and the hands placed in front of
the body, the right hand over the bosom, the left hand over the
middle ; ^ the attitude is familiar from Oriental idols and Greek
statues of Aphrodite. On her head she wore a, polos, the out-
line of which on the wall is barrel-shaped. A long veil or
garment seems to hang on both sides of the body. This
rude image is the Mother-Goddess, who is indicated by her
attitude as the producer and nourisher of the life of earth. We
know her qame in this old Phrygian home of hers. Only a few
miles away, close to the other lion monuments, is an altar cut
in the rock, and above it is an inscription written loustrophedon
in Phrygia?! characters. The middle of the inscription has been
broken aw^y, but the beginning fortunately remains — Matar
Kubile,

Matar Kubile was the name by which the Phrygians invoked
the goddess. It is interesting that the nearest city of the
Roman time to these old monuments was named Copni Metro-
polis ; in the Byzantine time the heathen name of * Meter ' was
changed to that of the Christian saint Demetrius, and the city
is called in lists of bishoprics Conni Demetrioupolis. This
observation gives the long-sought site of the northern Metro-
polis of Phrygia, which has been placed in many dififerent
situations. It stood on the Roman road from Nacoleia to
Eucarpia, near the modem village Beuyeuk Tchorgia.^

But though Conni was nearer than any other city to the Lion-
tombs, it is probable that they were in the territory of the
important city of Prymnessos.^ Midas appears on coins of
Prymnessos, which may be taken as a proof that these old
monuments were in the Roman time associated with th^
ancient kings of Phrygia.

The face of the monument which looks to the east is entirely
occupied by a large rampant lion. He stands quite upright, and

^ This detail can be gathered from 8 Conni seeras to have been an in-

the difference of angle at the two significant town under the empire ;

elbows, though the ba^ preservation no coins are known, unless some

of the image makes it difficult to be MHTPOTTOAGITQN belong to it.

certain. Prymnessos was at Seulun, three miles

. 2 I formerly attempted to identify S.E. of Afium Kara Hissar. It was

Metropolis with Augustopolis, a site certainly a city of importance, and

nine miles S.E. of Tchcrgia : I wish perhaps exercised some authority over

here to correct the error. See Jfit- the neighbouring Metropolis.

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t^j^jfi.X)i.}^--*^^:h^'\-^tfV"\^'' *•■ -^'■» »y,^ --•->. jti_>t^.>^,MM

SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGI A. 247

places his fore- paws on the angle of the pediment on the southern
side. The lines of the figure, like those of the two lionesses in
the shrine, are exceedingly fine and spirited. The sex is
certain, whereas that of the animals in the shrine remains
uncertain. Analogy points to the opinion that the latter
are female: this is the case with the pair of animals on the
Lion-tomb near Ayazeen and with those over the Lion-gate
at Mycenae. In later monuments the case is dififerent : at
Kumbet (see Perrot; PI. vii.) and at Ayazeen {Joum. HdL Stvd.,
PI. XXVL, XXVII.) the pair consists of a male and a female.
I was exceedingly careful in drawing the toes of the lion's left
hind foot, the forms of which are peculiar : the paws of the two
lionesses are different, less carefiiUy cut, and more like the form
usual in archaic sculpture. Only one forepaw is shown in each
of the lionesses, a true archaic characteristic, whereas both fore-
paws of the lion are distinctly visible : but the marking on the
forepaws of the lionesses does not appear on those of the lion.^
This marking may be compared with that on the hind-leg of a
deer found in a tumulus near Kertch, a product of Ionian art of
a later period.*

On the western face of our monument there is a gryphon,
passant to the. right. His head is much injured, but was
probably a simple eagle's head without ears or any other
prominent feature, and with the mouth closed (Type C of
Furtwangler, BronzefuTid, p. 47). The wings, like those of the
sphinxes, are curled round in the archaic style.

I hope to take an early opportunity of discussing the bearing
of this and other monuments on the history of Ionian and
generally of Greek art, but I will here state my opinion as to
the date of the Arslah Kaya. As I have stated in previous
papers, I believe that Phrygian art stands in the closest relations
with the Ionian colonies of the Euxine coast. Now if we com-
pare the gryphon and the sphinxes with the earliest known
specimens of Ionian decorative art, the general resemblance
is obvious, while the exceedingly ancient character of the
Phrygian monument is equally plear. Every detail in these

* On a second visit I convinced ' Furtwangler, Ooldfund von Vetters*

myself that these are the facts : the felde, p. 16, who refers to ArUiq, du

lines on the forepaw of each lioness JBosphor,, PI. 26, 1.
do not indicate a pair of paws.

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248 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

two types on the Arslan Kaya is early archaic, and et
careful examination proves that they can hardly be later
than the early part of the sixth century, and are probably
earlier. But the lions of the Arslan Eaya are quite diflferent
in character from those of the Vettersfeld ornaments.^ The
latter show the type of the lions on the tomb at Kumbet
and on other later Phrygian monuments (see especially the
single Vettersfeld lion on Pi. iii. 1), whereas our lions are of a
far grander type, bolder and finer in outline, more natural and
life-like. This type is quite lost in the later monuments.
Artistic considerations therefore force back the date of our
monument to the seventh century. Now on historical grounds
it is improbable that any very great monument in Phrygia
belongs to the period 670 — 600. During this time we know
that the Cimmerians overran the country, and that in Phrygia
alone they achieved complete success, being finally expelled by
Alyattes between 610 and 590. The Arslan Kaya is therefore
earlier than 670, while on the other hand the presence of the
inscription in characters, which as I have elsewhere shown were
learned from the Greek colonists of Sinope, proves that the
monument is later than 730.

The only trustworthy way of representing a monument like
this is by photography, and I hope to be able soon to publish
a photograph. But it would be almost necessary to publish a
drawing along with a photograph, as it is so difficult to see every
detail from one point of view. It seemed, however, advisable
t.0 make known a monument so important as this, even by the
imperfect and insufficient medium of drawings, and trust to the
future to supplement them by photographs. I knew that I
should never be able to make better drawings than when
inspired at first by the discovery of the monument, and it was
exceedingly doubtful whether I should ever have the opportunity
of taking a trained draughtsman to the place.^

The measurements were made, with Mr. Sterrett's help, by
means of a rope thrown over the shoulder of the rock.

I do not at present intend to make any general remarks about
the art of Phrygia. I will only say that each new monument

^ Fnrtwangler, l,e, delicacy of the drawing is due to a

' I am responsible for every curve more skilful hand than mine,
and every other scientific detail : the

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SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA. 249

affords new and more striking resemMances to archaic Greek
art. Hitherto no example was known in Phrygia of the com-
posite animals, such as the sphinx and the gryphon. In
Phrygian art we are not impressed as in Phoenician art with
isolated points of resemblance to Greek amidst a general diver-
sity of character. We see substantially the same race, affected
by similar influences from the East, and producing works whose
whole spirit and character have something of the true Greek
feeling.^

Amid the diversity in details, what a close resemblance in
spirit is there between the Phrygian tale of Marsyas and the
Greek tale of Orpheus ! There is the same melancholy tone,
the same devotion to music, the same close relation to an
orgiastic worship, and finally a terrible deatli.

The question arises — what was the purpose of this monument ?
There is no appearance, no possibility of supposing that a grave
ever existed in the chamber: but I feel convinced that the
monument is sepulchral. In that case the actual grave was
in the ground, and the monument is merely the tombstone, so
to speak. In support of this view we must remember that
almost all the many hundreds of rock monuments known in
Phrygia, are obviously sepulchral Moreover, I shall here place
together some facts about Phrygian graves and sepulchral in
scriptions which make it probable that even the doubtful rock-
monuments are sepulchral, and which will throw some light on
the ideas of death and the future world entertained by the
persons who made those graves.

As almost all my arguments are drawn from inscriptions of
the Roman period, it is necessary to state beforehand that I
beUeve these late authorities may with proper caution be used
as evidence for the true ancient beliefs of the Phrygian
people.

A varnish of Graeco-Roman civilisation was spread over the
country in the second and third centuries after Christ ; western
Phrygia was affected fifty to a hundred years earlier than the
eastern country. Especially Hellenic mythology took the place
of the native legends : I have given examples of the tendency
to substitute Greek names and tales for the native Lydian or

1 With the Phrygian use of the maeander pattern compare Arch, Ztg, 1884,
PI. ix., Figs. 2, 5.

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250 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

Phrygian in this Journal, 1882, p. 64, 1883, p. 64. But tho
old religion continued unaffected in substance, though Hellenised
in name, and customs sanctioned by religion, especially funeral
usages, must have been very slow to alter. For example, in
the valley of the river Tembris,^ which runs along the western
border of the district in which the old Phrygian monuments
lie, the regular decoration of gravestones in the Roman period
is the old heraldic type of the pair of lions facing each other in
a pediment. Again, Moritz Schmidt rightly recognised in some
barbarous formulas appended to Greek sepulchral inscriptions
of the Roman period, a curse in the native tongue against
violators of the tomb. Why should this one part of the in-
scription be in the native tongue, and the rest in Greek ?
Either the belief was that the old Phrygian tongue was more
holy, and more efficacious with the gods of Phrygia, or the
fact was that the Phrygian language was more generally in-
telligible than Greek. Either alternative shows the strength
of the old native feeling in the country; in spite of Graeco-
Roman dress and foreign language, the Phrygian character is
not hidden.

Two kinds of sepulchral monument were commonly used in
Phrygia in the Roman time. One is a slab of marble or other
stone carved to imitate a doorway. The doorposts, the two
valves, the lintel, and generally a pointed or rounded pediment
above, are all indicated : one or two knockers are usually carved
on the door, and symbols referring to the ordinary life of the
deceased person are often represented on the panels, a basket,
a strigil, a mirror or something of the kind. The door is often
surmounted by a pediment, triangular or semicircular, which
is sometimes plain, sometimes sculptured. In the Tembris
valley the sculptural decoration, as has just been stated, is
almost always the ancient heraldic device — a pair of lions.
The inscription is placed sometimes above the pediment, some-
times beneath it, rarely on the door itself. I have seen many
hundred gravestones of this kind, in every part of Phrygia, in
Galatia, and in Pisidia. This class of tombstone recals to
mind the ancient monuments in which a door is a prominent
part.

^ Tembris on a coin of Midaion, Pliny (N,ff. vi. 1) and in an nn-
Thymbres in Livy, Tembrogius in published inscription.

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SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA. 251

The second kind of tombstone is equally common and wide-
spread. It is a square pillar with very simple pedestal and
capital. In tnany cases the epitaph on such a tombstone is
expressed in the form — 6 Selva rov jScofiov avia-TTfaev. The
regular name of the monument was therefore * the Altar/ It is
probable that several old Phrygian monuments, in which nothing
is apparent except an altar with or without an inscription, are
really sepulchral.

No. 1}

At Ishekly, the ancient Eumeneia, on a tombstone of the
fi(Ofib<s type in tjie modern cemetery :

eVPA

There has never been any other inscription.

No, 2.

At Eumeneia in the court of the Konak : on a tombstone
similar to the last : on one side

ZCDT I KOC ANT Za>rcKos Ayr-

CDNIATH IATYnaik G>via r^ [tSj/a yvvavK-

IKAIEAYJOMNHCX I /cal iavr^ /*^^[m^]* X'

APIN apiv.^

on another sid^

QYPA

No. 3.

At Eumeneia, in the modem cemetery, on a tombstone of
form like the preceding : on one side

^ Nos. 1 and 3 were copied by ^ ^he engraver has omitted two

Mr. Sterrett and myself in company, letters in line three.
No. 2 by me alone.

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252 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

lOYAIAEAYTH
KAITOANAPIAA
MAKAIIOYAIA
NHTHGYrATPI
5 KAlTAIoTorAI
PoKAICEBHPEI
NH HOYfAl
PIMNHMHCXA
PIN EIAETICE
10 TEPONEniXEl
PHCEI0INAITI
NAGHCEIIlTO
Ncl)ICK0N)f'A4)

on the other side

*lovXia iavrrj
Koi Tc5 avZp\ Aa-
fia KCii 'louXia-
vfi TT) Ovyarpt
Koi Faico TG) ya\_fi'
0]poi /cat %el3rjpel'

pi fJLVi]fir}9 X«-
ptv, Et Se TVS €-

pTjaev Blvai ti-

Va, 01^(T€l L9 TO-

0YPA

The second and third inscriptions probably belong to the
first (or the beginning of the second) century after Christ :
this date is gathered from the Latin names, Julia, Juliane,
Antonia, &c. They belong therefore to a comparatively early
time among the inscriptions of this district.

No. 4.

At Kara Hodja, a village in the Haimaneh, about an hour
and a half south-east of the hot springs of Myrikion, now the
Merkez of the Haimaneh,^ in ancient Galatia, Copied by
Mr. Sterrett and myself.

^ Merkez in Turkish means 'head-
quarters ' : the seat of government of
the Haimaneh was established here
two years ago, having previously been
at the vilhige of Sivri. There was no

village at the baths, till the spot was
selected as the Merkez of the Haimaneh,
and when we visited it, in 1883, there
were only about fifteen new houses
around the government offices.

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SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA. 258

ETO CM N0C2

Al AIKOY

oCrE/ MOYCTATEIAI

rAlArVNAlKlANECTH

NBCOMONKAITHNBYPA

EKT(ONIAI(ONANECTHCEN

MNHMHCXAPIN
CTATIAlAZCOCArrPO

NOYCAnAPAeHKHN

EACOKlTINIEPEANn.

CINONKAItEAAl AY

OAPrYPAKAIMHAnO

AIAH0CI0NAIK60N

HAIEKYPIEYMEICEKAI

KHCATEAYTHNNEKPAN

KAITATEKNAZCONT

Like all the inscriptions which we found in the Haimaneh,
this is merely scratched in a rude way on the stone : it is the
work of an unskilful engraver and an uneducated writer. Graeco-
Roman civilisation had not thoroughly established itself at Myri-
kion when the epitaph was composed, and the native customs
of burial and worship of the Pessinuntine Cybele remained
unaffected. It was exceedingly diflScult to decipher the faint
and ill-formed letters, and equally diflScult to understand the
meaning.

*'Eto[u]9 . . ., fi[rj]vo(: 'SavSUov [ ]o9 r€[XX]/oi; ^ra-

T€iXl[a'] Ihla yvvaiKl dve(rTr][(r€ to]v /3a>fibv Koi Ttfv 6vpa\y\ ix
T&v ihmv dvi(TTrj(T€v fiv7]firj<; 'XP'ptv,

XrareiXca ^&aa [<l>]povova-a irapaOrjtcqv ii(ii)K\i\ rtvt (?)
EPEAN ir\pa\atvov xal >/r6A,Xt[a] Svo apyvpd, k&[v^ firj
diroBiB^, '^OaLov AIkcov, ''HXte Kvpie, vfi€l<: €K[B]cKi]a'aT€ ttjp
v€Kpdv KoX rd TCKva ^&vT[a.

''Oaio^ Aixato^ is a standing epithet of the deity in Anatolian
inscriptions ; here it appears to be used as a proper name, and,
regardless of grammar, two deities are invoked to avenge the
dead Statilia and her living children, if the pledge which she
deposited with some unnamed person is not returned. ^ irpd-

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254 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

aivo^ is an emerald : the word before it has not been deciphered :
irpovovaa is probably due to Galatian pronunciation. ehwKL is
certainly the reading on the stone.

The four inscriptions published above are all engraved on
simple ^eofjboi, yet in one case the monument is called o /ScofMOf:
Kal f} dvpa : and in the others, the name dvpa is placed on the
monument apart from the regular inscription, as if to specify a
point that was not clear to the beholder.

The last inscription explains the others. The son of Gellius
places the altar and the door for his dead wife. It appears then
that according to Phrygian ideas there were two necessary
elements in the sepulchral monument, an altar and a door.
When a plain altar was placed as a tombstone, it was some-
times thought necessary to add expressly the word ' Door.' Even
where only the one name is given, we may understand that the
fundamental idea was the same. The door was the passage of
communication between the world of life and the world of
death : the altar was the place on which the living placed the
offerings due to the dead.

It is unnecessary to follow this idea through the elaborate
funeral monuments with numerous partSj each called by a special
name, which were often used by rich men. A sarcophagus is
commonly used at Hierapolis and in Ionia and Lycia; but
the sarcophagus is only the receptacle in which the body is
placed, and we often find the door and the altar indicated
besides.

These two elements, the door and the altar, occur regularly
in the early monuments. In many cases the altar indeed is not
expressly carved in the rock ; but when the monument has the
form of a temple or a shrine, the altar is an implied accompani-
ment. In other cases the rock-altar is the most important' part
of the whole monument.

Among the early monuments one class, of which the Midas-
tomb or the Arslan Eaya is type, especially attracts our attention
as being so peculiarly characteristic of Phrygia : in it we see
the door and the veil in front of the shrine. In one case alone
the door is opened, and we are admitted to contemplate tA iepi^
fiva-Tijpia. We see here, not a sarcophagus, no place or room
for a dead human body, but the Mother-Goddess and her
favourite animals.

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SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA. 255

May we not infer from this that the mere custody of the
body was not the sole nor even the chief intention of the funeral
monument in Phrygia ? The intention is to show that the dead
has returned to his divine mother. It is a similar idea when the
Lydian chiefs and kings are buried on the shores of the Gygaean
lake Coloe ; and we know from Homer that the Maeonian chiefs
are the sons of the lake or of the Naiad Nymph who bears them
beside the lake.

The natural inference is that the Phrygian religion considered
the dead as identified with the divine nature ; the sepulchre
of the dead was a monument or shrine of the Mother-Goddess.
In that case the construction of a grave was an act of piety and
of homage to the deity, with whom the dead person was identi-
fied. Can we find in inscriptions any test to prove or disprove
this inference?

I shall give first an inscription, imperfectly published, C. I. G.
No. 3810 ; the editor has wrongly altered the copies, accurate
so far as they go, of Pococke and Kinneir.

No. 5.

Porylaion, in the bridge over the Porsuk Tchai, the ancient
Tembris : on a marble slab imitating the front of a temple or
heroon. Copied by me.

MENANAIvL TTO M€PapB\^pos''Iir]7rci)'

NOCKAIAMEIACTEI vo9 xal 'Afieias Tel-

Mc;>NI0PEnT<n>KAI fifovt OpeirT^ koI

AnOAA<n>NIOC 'AiroXKwvios

KAIAIONYCIOCCyN Kal Acovvai-os avp-

TPOc()<n)YnEPT(70N Tpc<f>a> virep i^v

lAlCONAIIBPON Ihlmv Aa Bpov

This inscription is, to judge from the nomenclature, probably
not later than the first century after Christ. It has been engraved
on the tombstone of Timon by his master and his mistress,

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256 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

and by his fellow-slaves, ApoUonius and Dionysius> These
four persons make the grave of the dead man, and consider
this act as a homage to Zeus Bronton on behalf of their own
family.

No. 6.

At Kara Bazar, on the road from Dorylaion to Nacoleia, on a
marble /Scofio^;, On the capital is carved a vine-branch with a
bunch of grapes, and over the inscription is a wreath. Copied
by me.

nEPCEYCK-nAOY Uepaelf kI UXov-

CIOC(j>AlNinnn aio9 ^aivmirfp

nATPlK-MHTPI irarpi Ke fiijrpi

K-AMBPONTHNTI kI Ail Bpov7Svri>

EYXHN €vx^v.

This is the epitaph on a tomb erected by two sons for their
parents. The sons consider that the act of erecting the tomb-
stone is equivalent to discharging a vow to Zeus Bronton. To
judge from the names the inscription is of a comparatively early
time ; but, as the district is one remote from civilising influences,
it can hardly be earlier than the second century after Christ.

No. 7.

Near Kara Bazar, at the Devrent, on a l3a)fj,6<; : on the capital
is carved a star, and over the inscription three bulls' heads.
Copied by me.

AYPAIOAnPO Avp. AidSwpo-

CMET ACYNBI ^ fier^L avi;/3c-

OYTYXHZriN ov Tixn ^^v

TECEAYTOIC re^ eavjoU

K-AIIBPONTHN k\ Aa "Rpovr&v-

EYXHN r^'\evx^v.

This inscription is placed over the grave which Diodoros and
his wife prepared for themselves. They regard this act as the

^ Menandros and his wife had therefore three Bpewroi or ep^fifmra^

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SEPULCHKAX CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA. 267

payment of a vow to Zeus Bronton. The inscription belongs to
the third century after Christ.

On the analogy of these and similar inscriptions, which I need
not quote here, it may be unhesitatingly maintained that a large
number of dedications in the district round Nacoleia and Dory-
laion, in which the sepulchral reference is not so explicit, are in
reality gravestones. Of such inscriptions, published and un-
published, I know about a hundred. They are generally
addressed to Zeus Bronton, or to Zeus Papas, or to Papas simply.
Papas, 33 Arrian says, was the Bithynian name of Zeus; it
occurs frequently in inscriptions of Nacoleia. The following is
a specimen.

No. 8.

On a small stele of common stone found in a field near
Nacoleia. I copied the inscriptions fix)m six similar stelai, all
found in the same field : the owner said that the ground around
was full of them. They are all evidently gravestones of common
people : the top is ornamented in the style of a pediment, and
there is a plain pedestal ending in a projecting spike to stick
in the ground. The one which is here published differed firom
the others in having a representation of the god on it : the god
is apparently intended to be androgynous, like the Carian Zeus,
but in such rude work, the point can hardly be asserted
positively.

OYAnJACA OiXirla 2a-

BICnAnAEYXH /8i9 Uaira evxv^

N K '

The other inscriptions from this field are similar in style : the
field was doubtless a cemetery of the poorer classes.

In this Journal, 1882, p. 124, 1 spoke about Zeus Bronton or
Papas, the god of Nacoleia. I have no alteration to make in
the views there expressed, except to lay much greater stress on
the Chthonian character of the god. Almost every inscription
in which he is mentioned is a gravestone. The area within
which he is worshipped is a narrow one, including only the

H.S. — VOL. V. s

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25a SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA.

district between Nacoleia, Dorylaion, and Trocnada or Tricomia.^
Outside of this district, I know only of three, one at Cotyaion,
one at Ancyra of Galatia, and one in Rome erected by a Greek
named Aur. Poplius. Poplius clearly belonged to this district
of Phrygia, and went to Rome either as a visitor or a settler.^

The district in which Zens Bronton was worshipped, lies
along the east and north edge of the mountainous country in
which the ancient Phrygian monuments are situated. On the
west side of these mountains, we find that Zeus Bennies is wor-
shipped. Numerous inscriptions in his honour occur, and the
important town of Bennisoa was named from his worship. A
curious inscription in the Phrygian village of Serea shows what
the people themselves thought of the relation between Zeus
Bronton and Zeus Bennies.

No. 10.

On a stele at Kuyujak, a village three hours north-west of
Nacoleia ; copied by Mr. Sterrett.

MAPKOC

MAPKOY

AIIBPONTCON

TIKAIBENNEI

CEPEANCOCT

E(|>ANON

^ The word Tricomia shows that the
coimlry of the Trocnades or Trocmades,
Kege-trocnada, contained three villages :
the use of the word in an unpublished
inscription from a different district is
decisive as to the sense.

' The following is a memorial of the
visit of another Kacoleian to Rome.

eeo) Ytic

TO) €Y

XH NA^

P-IAI OC

ACKA AnCO

NHN OMO

AOTHC €NCI

PCOM H

MdpK09

yidpKOV
Aii BpouT(3i/-
Tt Kat ^evvet
Xepeav^ ctt-
epavov.
No. 9.

In the tekke of Seidi Ghazi, on a
little slab of marble. It has been
published tmintelligibly by Mordtmann
{Sidi Ohazi und Nacoleia in Milneh,
Gel, Ariz,, 1861). Copied by me, and
afterwards by Mr. Sterrett.

^ A *

prjXios
AaKXavw-

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SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGIA. 259

Here it is evident that Benni-s, or Zeus Benneus, the god of the
western side, and Papas or Zeus Bronton, the god of the eastern
side, are expressly identified.

The numerous inscriptions of which theSe are specimens show
clearly that the making of a grave was regarded as the payment
of a vow to the god of the district. I do not maintain that every
stone in the district which records a vow of the god is sepulchral :
e.g. the votive tablet of Aur. Asklapon, quoted above, has not
the appearance of a gravestone. But the gravestones which I
have seen in the district where Papas was worshipped, are, with
scarcely an exception, inscribed in this style. One stone, which
I believe to be sepulchral, explains the meaning of the custom.

No. 11.

On a marble cippus at Kutayah, in the possession of an
Armenian stone-cutter who had brought it from Karagatch
Euren, near Altyntash. Above the inscription there are carved
in relief a bunch of grapes, an eagle, and a radiated head of the
sun-god. Copied by Mr. Sterrett and myself in company.

All BENNIQ Au Bex/i//^

AlOTENHCYnEP Atoyevvf vwep

AlOrENOYCTTATTTTOY ^loyivovs irainrov

KAIKAXPYCIOY Koi KX. Xpvaiov

MAMMHCKAITON f^cfi/iv^ tcai t£v

KATOIKOYNTON KaroiKOvvrtov

ENICKOMHKA0IEPQ Iv 'laKOfirj KaOupio

CEN cev.

AnoAAQNiocicrepeANOcenoiei

'AiroWcii/fco? ^I<jy6p€avo^ iiroUt.

This inscription belongs most probably to the second century
after Christ. The reference to the inhabitants of the village is
a specially common feature in inscriptions of this district ; the
name of the village seems to be Iskome. The artist is a native
of Isgerea.

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260 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN AlJClENT PHRYOIA.

I understand this inscription to be placed by Diogenes on the
grave of his grandparents; in preparing the grave Diogenes
considers that he is dedicating the spot to Zeus Bennios. The
grave is a shrine of Zeus, and the funeral oflferings to the dead
were considered at the same time as ofiFerings to Zeus. Diogenes
might have expressed the epitaph in the formula, TTaTTTr^ koX
fidiMfirj Kal Ail Bevvl^ : the meaning would have been the same.

It is not always easy to determine in these inscriptions who
is buried in the tomb. For example

No. 12.

On a stele similar to No. 8, and found in the same place.
Copied by me.^

AaA>vKAN AaSa Kav-

K^POYNOYN^ Kapov Novva-

A0C0Y€KP0K S69 Ove/cpoK-

WMHTICCA wfii^Tt<raa

KwnJKUk Aa Uaira
CYXHN 9VJ(^p!

The names on this stele are so purely Phrygian that it is hard
to tell how they are to be divided. Probably Dada was daughter
of Kankaros Nounas, who had according to Phrygian custom,
two names, and her native village was Vekrokome. It is im-
possible Jjo determine whether she was burying one of her
relatives or preparing her own last resting-place. The latter is
more probable : more than half of the Phrygian epitaphs known
to me include a provision for the burial of the erector.

In all the epitaphs which have been quoted, the dedication is
to a god. The following is to th^ Mother-Goddess.

No. 13.

On a marble fitdfjt,6^ at Doghalar, a village two hours north of
Altyntash, on the western edge of the Phrygian mountains.
Defaced reliefs on the back and on one side of the altar. Copied
by me.

^ As I remarked above, this stone is quite certainly sepulchral.

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SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYQIA. 2C1

nATPOKAI-C TlaTpoKXTJsl^AiruX'

AQNIOYM-IT \Mviov M/;T[pi 0€-

QNZINrOTI-N-K ^^ ZtvyoTtivri /«[aT-

5 ACYflEPEAYTOY ^^ virep eavTov [^e t-

ONIAIQNK-TKCkO <3i^ ISlmv ice ttjs kco-

M-CZlNrOTOCC15TH M^ ZivyoT09 a-o^Tri'

PIACTONBQMON />/«y top firof^ov [a-

NECrKEN* vlaTffaev.

I believe that this stone marks the grave which Patrokles
intended to be occupied by himself and his family. He dedicates
the spot to the Mrfrifp &€&v, just as the maker of the ancient
tomb described in this paper made it a shrine of the Mother-
Goddess,

The idea that the dead person hag thrown off his own nature
and become identified with a divine or heroic personage, can be
traced in some rare cases in Greek inscriptions, while it appar-
ently underUes certain classes of archaic sepulchral reliefs. I do
not refer to cases where the dead man is worshipped as a hero,
but where his personality is merged in that of an independently
existing hero or god. Such is the explanation of a relief and
inscription from Pergamon, now in my possession, which I
described before the Archaeological Society in Berlin, February
5, 1884. The monument was interpreted, as I believe quite
wrongly,^ by Dr. Belger in the BerL Philol, Zft, March 1st.
The relief is of a common sepulchral type. The left and the
centre are occupied by a horseman, turned to the right : the
man has the reins in his left hand and with his right holds
out a patera towards a serpent which drinks from it. The
serpent is coiled round a tree in front of the horse. On the
extreme right stands an adorant of the usual type. Beneath
the relief is the inscription

rLNIOYNEQkOPOSAGH
OYHPQIPEPrAMQ*

^In5nE>"^^THC>"i7TH • It is probable, but not certain, that

li^^^ the iota adscriptum was expressed in

* As a votive relief belonging to a Vefyydfxtif. The name *AffK\a5 is of

shrine of the Hero Pergamos. course supplied merely exempli gratia^

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262 SEPULCHRAL CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT PHRYGlA.

*A(r/cXa9 ? ^A7ro\X\(ovlov vetoKopo^ 'A^i)[m9 ^Licr}^6p\ov ^^JipoDC
HepyafjLq)* Another method of supplying the gap was guggested
by Dr. M. Frankel, but it does not seem to me satisfactory;
'A<7/cXa9 ? ^AiroXXjcovlov veoyicopo^ ^A9r)[val<p ^txal T\ov "Upcoi
Ilepydfi^. The person to whom the grave belongs is treated as
identified with the eponymous hero of the city, and his original
name is not mentioned.^ The relief belongs probably to the
latter part of the third or beginning of the second century B.c.^

A similar case occurs in the Sabouroff Collection, and has
been correctly interpreted by Dr. Furtwangler (PI. xxix. :
K]a\\tT€\979 'AXe^ifid^tp dviOrjKev), who expresses the doubt
whether Aleximachos is the original name of the deceased or a
new heroic name.

W. M. tlAMSAY.

as being nearly of the length required relief seems otherwise the same as that

for the gap. The first line ends given here.

with H. ^ A came into use quite as early aa

^ Dr. Frankel's interpretation of the 200 b.o.

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SOPHOGLEAN TRILOGY. 263

SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

The Greek dramatist of the best age, as we read on unques-
tionable authority, was wont to produce his tragedies in sets of
three together — in trilogies; the addition to such a set of a
comic — a so-called satyric play — completed a tetralogy, a com-
bination of four arguments. It is much if we have in the
Cyclops of Euripides a single example of a satyric drama.
Among the numerous tragedies that have survived, with the
exception of the Oresteia of Aeschylus, consisting of the three
tragedies, Agamemnon, the Choephori, the Eumenides, not a
single certified trilogy has come down to us complete. The
satyric drama, that belonged to this was entitled Proteus, but
the name only has been preserved. Its argument and bearing
on the original artistic whole are too absolutely matters of
conjecture not to remain matters of ardent dispute. The Semn
against Thebes of Aeschylus is a single play remaining out of
a tetralogy of which the titles are preserved : — Laius, Oedipios,
Seven against Thebes, Sphinx; titles from which it is clear
that the subjects of this set — the Oedipodeia — followed on
in sequence and connection as intimate as the preserved
tragedies of the Oresteia, Such may also easily have been the
case between a pair of dramas, the Udonae and JBassarides, which
are recorded as pertaining to the trilogy of the Lycurgeia ; and
a Prometheus Unbound supplied originally the proper sequel of
the Prometheus Bound that is preserved. Nor is such sequence
absent virtually from the tetralogy of the Persica to which the
preserved play of the Persae belongs, comprising in order;
Phineus, Persae, Olau^us Potnieus, Prometheus purphoros, though

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264 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

it is effected in a maimer abnormal and recondite. In my Age of
Ferides I have set forth in detail the reference of the three
successive tragic dramas to the great victories of Artemisium,
Salamis and Flataea, and of the concluding satyric play to the
sequel of those victories in the restoration of civil life and the
arts of culture. The action of the Persae however, alone, is on
proper historical basis; the other combined subjects become
significant and are justified in their relation to it, on the
strength of accepted poetical and mythical associations.

The Athenians recognised their obligations to the north-wind,
to Boreas, son-in-law of the city, for his help at Artemisium
and afterwards; it was to the sons of Boreas, the winged
Zetes and Calais, that Phineus owed his rescue firom the harpies.
Potniae, the seat of Glaucus, and the scene of his disaster firom
his infuriate horses, was on the very battle-field of Plataea, the
scene of the fatal overthrow of the Nisaean cavalry of Mardonius.
Lastly, the services of Prometheus who brought fire to destitute
mortals, were easily recognisable at the time as allusive to the
ceremonial relighting of the hearths and altars of desecrated
Hellas, by the fire which was sought from the holy altar at
Delphi

The Lymrgeia of Polyphradmon and the Pandionis of Philocles
are titles of other trilogies recorded without enumeration of the
several dramas they comprised, but sufficiently indicative of
a close inter-connection of subjects.

A tetralogy is ascribed to Xenocles, but not under a collective
name, and it is so far consistent that the titles of the several
component dramas repudiate chronological sequence. They are
given as Oedijyus, Lycaon, Bacchae, and the satyric drama
Athamas. Much the same may be said of an incompletely
recorded tetralogy by Aristias, which comprised dramas entitled,
Perseus, Tantalus, The Wrestlers, the last probably the satyric
play.

That neither trilogy nor tetralogy is ascribed to Sophocles
under either collective or distributive titles, is in itself remark-
able, and the more so in consequence of a notice of an innova-
tion of which more is to be said.

Of Euripides as many as three enumerated tetralogies and
one trilogy are on. record, but no one of them is referred to
under a collective title. The list is as follows : —

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SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY. 265

Cretan Women; Alcmason in Psophis ; Telepkus; Alcestis,
Medea ; Fhilodetes ; Dictys ; Theristae^ sat,
Alexander ; Palamedes ; Troades ; Sisyphus, sat.
Iphigenia in Aulis ; Alcmaeon in Corinth ; Bacchae.

In one of these sets alone can an argument be plausibly main-
tained for pragmatical continuity. The Alexander would fit
the opening story of the Trojan war ; the Palamedes may easily
have comprised an episode of its progress, and the Troades
which is preserved signalises its conclusion. It is a fair
conjecture, while conjecture is afoot, that the satyric play of
Sisyphus may have given further point to the reflections on the
character of Ulysses, which are ssJient in the Troades and
involved in the story of the fate of Palamedes.

With respect to Sophocles, in place of detailed notices which
would have been so welcome, we have an obscure statement
of Suidas, that he was the first to enter upon contests by drama
with drama and not a tetralogy ; Spdfjia wpb^ Spdfia ayoDvi^eaOai
aXKct firj rerpaXoyiav, This brief memorandum must be made
the most of without being taken for more than it is really worth.
The limit of its worth however is exactly what is most difl&cult
to decide. Taken in itself simply, it might appear to imply
that he entirely abandoned the system of producing trilogies
of plays, and confined himself to bringing out each of his
tragedies independently — one only at a time. There are no
notices of dramatic history to make it absolutely impossible
that he may have introduced and adopted such a practice
occasionally, but that his renunciation of the established
system was complete and uniform can scarcely be allowed. His
usual practice must of necessity have been conformable to that
of his competitors, and as it certainly did not govern, must
have been governed by theirs. He contested and gained the
first prize over Aeschylus, erf whom no such innovation or con-
cession to innovation is recorded. Moreover we have the notice
that the first prize was assigned to him on an occasion when
Euripides gained the second with one of the four enumerated
tetralogies, and he can scarcely have competed against the
Cretan Women, and its three associate dramas with only a single

play. . . /

It is just possible that the phrase of Suidas may represent

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266 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

no more than a distorted inference from the story of the
composition of Oediptcs in Golonos, but otherwise the better
and perfectly legitimate interpretation is open to us, that to
Sophocles was due the innovation of producing as trilogies,
triplets of plays which did not follow out one particular and
continuous story, perhaps did not even adhere in the succession
of their fables to chronological order, and that he set an
example which afterwards prevailed. It seems pretty certain
that while this license so to call it, if it were not indeed and
more probably a refinement, was sometimes, but quite excep-
tionally adopted by Aeschylus, it must have been almost the
rule with Euripides, amongst whose numerous preserved plays
it could otherwise be scarcely possible that sets and sequences
should be beyond recovery.

The very multitude of the works of these prolific dramatists
invited critics and copyists of later times to make selections ;
and selection in such hands as Greek poetry of the best age
ultimately fell into, was certain to involve dislocation if not
dismemberment. Again, the Greek tragedians as time went
on were likely to suflfer as severely by stage profanation as
Shakespeare ; by inevitable consequence their artful combina-
tions were separated, shuffled, and all original order lost to
memory, or only preserved in the scanty accidental notices
which we now so thankfully glean out of rubbish heaps of
antiquity.

The consequences of this state of things is to be well weighed
and taken to heart. Every dissociated member of an original
artistic whole must be afflicted with characteristic inconclusive-
ness. The completest catastrophe will in such cases come upon
us as absurdly abrupt and unprepared for, or the drift and
purport of the fable, as essentially transitional, will lead up to
nothing more than a puzzle — a paradoxical moral suspense.

Of the seven preserved plays of Sophocles, there are three
which as regards mere story are pragmatically dependent, and
display the course of fortune of a single family as consecutively
as the Greek trilogy of Aeschylus; these are the Oedipus
TyrannuSy Oedijms in Golonos, and Antigone. The truly trilogic
connection is, however, in this case contested, and as respects
the last of the series at least seems rightly overruled. The
historical sequence, we have seen, was no indispensable condition

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SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY. 267

bf such connection, and still less taken alone can it be a
conclusive proof of it. Traditions which are probably more
than traditions, of the production of Oedipus in Colonos, concur
with internal evidence to the eflfect that its catastrophe is a full
and natural close, not to be improved in any sense by the
Antigone as a sequel, nor indeed requiring or admitting any
other.

On consideration then, of all the evidence in point, the
negative no less than the direct which is scanty enough, no
grounds appear to warrant the opinion that Sophocles, unless
exceptionally, renounced the trilogy, the production of tragedies
in threes. Again, as regards the principles of trilogic compo-
sition current during his career, it appears to be clearly
established not only that continuity in story was not held
essential, but that absolute discontinuousness, his own innovation
as we read Suidas, was freely admitted even to the extent
that no two of the plays should have a single character in
common, and to the neglect, nay, to the reversal of chronological
sequence. To a grammarian, pragmatical connection might
easily enough appear the very essence of trilogic composition,
and the renunciation of it be taken as equivalent to the super-
session of all that was important in the principle. Even
Aristotle manifestly failed entirely to appreciate the value of
the large scope of dramatic composition it involved, and that
even when it was so conspicuously displayed as in the
continuous trilogies of Aeschylus.

From a worthier point of view it must be manifest that when
personal and historical dependence came to be dispensed with,
so much more important must have become an emphatic pro-
nunciation in continuity of moral interest, a continuity on which
it is indeed that the preservation of interest in the fortunes of
an individual mainly depends, but that may still proceed when
a given individual is lost sight of.

When the unity of a fable of the highest class, dramatic or
epic, is contingent on the dependence of its incidents on a
single personage, it is because that personage possesses such a
unity of moral and intellectual motive, such a self-consistency
even in tendencies to irregularity, as to define an important and
remarkable character, to constitute it in fact, heroic. By such
heroic constitution it is that an individual character becomes a

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268 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

constant quantity, supplies a standard for the force and bearing
of those impacts of fortune and currents of affection and impulse
on which success and failure, happiness and misery, depend.

Hence a central character of heroic scale is a condition of
unity in a tragedy, but still it requires contrast of others to
afford the fullest illustration of a moral interest, whether the
contrast be evolved in the course of highly complicated and
concurrent actions in Shakespearian fashion, or be provided,
as by anticipation we venture to say, in Sophoclean, by the
several heroes of a succession of disconnected or lightly con-
nected fables.

Tragedy engages our interest and commands our convictions,
when it presents with vivid energy the spectacle of fellow man
in conflict with diflSculties, such as we ourselves are exposed to ;
in conflict with them under circumstances of greatest con-
ceivable enhancement, as colliding with the highest sensitiveness,
and challenged by vigour of mind of the most amazing at least,
if not always, of the most admirable order.

The picture of life is opened before us, the living illus-
tration of the direst dilemmas, the most perplexing paradoxes by
which we can be possibly beset ; the greatest enigmas of exist-
ence are displayed most pungently, most toucbingly, and it is
open for us to contemplate with all the elements of consideration
before us and brought home to us, what head can be made by
maji against the difficulties of his state, what aid perchance
is to found in promptness, in courage, in dexterity, what in
patience and what compensation at last in better founded hope,
when reliance on all other rescue founders in the storm ? These
are comprehensive subjects indeed if they are to be treated
in sufficient comprehensiveness. But a single life however inter-
esting, however complicated, will often fail to carry forward the
main problem that its incidents bring into discussion, to its final
or proximate conclusion. Even Homer, in the wider epic range,
divided his subject into proem and sequel, into the delinea-
tion of a primary and a supplementary career. Such a problem
of the largest moral scope therefore, it is clear, may be worked
out in a succession of lives, of histories^ of tragedies, nay, it
may even be said that to embrace a competent develop-
ment of a scheme so large — especially so large relatively to the
traditionally established brevity of a Greek tragedy, and to the

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SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY. 269

legally restricted numbers of protagonists and interlocutors,
a single lifetime's history — ^much less an anecdote out of a life-
time — may not be sufficient ; and even if necessity were not in
such manner urgent, some special poetical advantage might
accrue to fully warrant the broader treatment. Thus with the
fairest artistic advantage, the adventure, the catastrophe of one
hero may be set against that of a second, as an indispensable
illustration, and again, a third be added as common contrast and
supplementary to both. Thus may be fully covered the large
scope of tragic interest and thus unfolded all the intricate
bearings of the most involved problems by even such simple
provisions for dialogue and plot as were placed by traditional
restrictions at the command of the Attic poet.

Such a development of composition in the poetry of the
Greeks, is only consistent with what we know of the vigorous
extension of their other arts. In their sculpture, it was not
alone that single figures early united to become groups, and
groups became members of large compositions, but the very
largest single composition, complete and symmetrical as it
might appear to be in itself, was constantly held to be only
susceptible of highest eflfect when contrasted with another,
only so much less elaborate as not to be its rival in supremacy.
The complex, if not crowded subjects in the opposite pediments
of a Greek temple, separated widely as they were, were still
correlative, diverse yet correspondent, and in painting, Polygno-
tus confronted large pictures on opposite walls of the Lesche
at Delphi, with a profound significance which the suggestiveness
of contrast in Rafael's Stanze of the Vatican rather rivals than
surpasses. From the Greek vases again abundant examples
might be adduced of associated subjects on single vases, again
to be united in pairs, subjects that are correlative by a manifest
artistic and ethical principle, but destitute of the slenderest
historical connection,

There is scarcely a limit to the refinement of which art
is susceptible in this direction ; here it is indeed that art has
its very highest susceptibilities of refinement, and if art, then
above all other the art of the Greeks. What then has not been
lost by the dismemberment of Greek dramatic poetry, brought
down to us for the most part in the condition of fragments,
that only mock us and may mislead by a fallacious appearance

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270 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

of completeness. The loss of the records of the titles of
associated compositions is too extensive, too nearly total, to
enable us to work out with all desirable conclusiveness even the
full theory of their combinations. Nevertheless it is the
purpose of this essay to set forth, and not unconfidently, that
we may at least decide in some cases from internal evidence,
the original place of a play now isolated, as first, second, or
third of a set, nay, that we may even repair the injuries of time
by re-uniting into trilogies some of the plays that are preserved.

In reading therefore any isolated Greek tragedy the question
must be entertained, and usually it must be due to our care-
lessness or insensibility if it is not forced upon us— is it a
beginning, a middle, or an end ? The best enjoyment, to say
nothing of the fairest vindication of the poet, will depend on
an approximate solution of this question. How is this to be at
least attempted and contended for ?

There is but safety in one resolute course, along one single
line of analysis ; we must bravely and without flinching apply
to these poetic works as we possess them, the sternest canons
both of taste and moral theory which we can make ourselves
masters of. When we are encountered by the poet with a
divergence that manifestly impeaches our standard either of
poetic or of moral harmony, the question is opened at once
whelJier the poet or the canon be in fault, and severe indeed
does it behove the judgment to be that presides at such a con-
tention. That the poet may have lapsed is as little to be held
an impossibility as that his work may have received damage in
transmission through the centuries; but the critic must be
watchful against suggestions of his own self-complacency. It is
well seen when works of genius of the highest order are
in question, how very rarely it is safe to assume limits to
its profoundness or its subtlety. Close indeed must ever be our
search for some possible secret of concord lying hid near the
non-coincidence that startles by its very conspicuousness — some
harmony of resolution for which it is but the artful preparation.
So often does it prove that the dreams of the artist are wiser
than the critic's deliberations, — that our diflBculty will dissolve
at last in recognition of our own misconception or ignorance.
So it is that a first movement of natural pride at recognising
a flaw comes in time to be wisely valued, chiefly as a warn-

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SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY. 271

ing that we have stumbled on a clue to latent truth and
beauty.

A work of genius is in a certaia sense a work of nature of
the very highest order, and in the study of it we shall be wise to
pause upon the occurrence of an anomaly — an anomaly relatively
to our predominant thought, — ^with the same keen apprehension
that it may be an index to new discoveries, with which the
physicist recognises an unexpected and unexplained disturbance
of his experiment.

Various anomalies in the dramas of Sophocles then, which
stand out in glaring inconsistency with the best characteristics of
the poet, are to be accounted for, I believe, by the disappear-
ance or disruption of the trilogic systems in the continuity of
which such discordances were originally resolved. They are of
far too serious a nature and have far too direct a bearing on the
tone and feeling under treatment to have been admitted in
negligence or without a distinct purpose. Every such anomaly
involves a pregnant hint which duly studied will correct our
appreciation of the poet, and even may be the means of
recovering from the injuries of time the vital principle of
a lost composition.

Between the Trachiniae and the Ajax of Sophocles there is a
resemblance in distribution of plan that unites them the more
remarkably because it sets them in common contrast not merely
with most other tragedies, but, as it would at first appear, with
the essential idea of any highly-wrought dramatic composition
whatever.

In neither play is interest concentrated upon a protagonist
who remains with whatever intervals and interruptions pre-
dominant before us upon the scene through the greater part
of its course. Our chief interest is no doubt attached, in either
case, to the destinies of a single hero, to Hercules and to Ajax ;
but in the first play, Hercules only arrives in presence at about
the 1000th line of the 1300 that make out the play; while
Ajax, conspicuous at the commencement, dies exactly midway
between the beginning and the end ; his body indeed remains,
the subject and centre of the continued action, upon the stage
to the last, but it is with almost an entirely new set of inter-
locutors that the action is continued and concluded. Deianeira, .

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272 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

who is constantly before us up to the 800th verse of a tragedy
of 1300 verses, and by narrative of her death to the 960th, is
silent and unspoken of thereafter, as the appearance of Hercules
himself overshadows all other interest, and the real catastrophe
of all closes in. Again, in the Ajax, by a contrast of discon-
tinuousness, the hero engrosses the earlier scenes, and it is the
secondary Teucer who enters only after this death of Ajax, on
whom is thrown the burden of the prolonged closing scenes.

There appears therefore to be wanting in both dramas that
balanced distribution about a central line through one central
member which is the very sense and soul of the higher sym-
metry.

But all is altered in the settled and concentrated action of
the Philoctetes which, as it moves on to the resolution of all
problems left over in suspense, gathers up all previous interests
and combines incidents and episodes around one central heroic
and abiding figure.

The Trachiniae, which interests our sympathies at least more
touchingly, if not more impressively, for Deianeira than for
Hercules, and the Ajax Flagellifer in which our sympathies
are in a very similar manner and almost in the same degree
distributed between Ajax and Tecmessa, have something of that
correspondence of strophe and antistrophe, that announces and
awaits an epode. They are like the wings of an architectural
or sculptural group that lack still a dominant and combining
centre. In the PhUodetes there is no such division of equivalent
interests, least of all in favour of the feminine element, which is
indeed absent entirely, proof in itself that the drama could never
have been satisfactory in isolated independence.

Again, in contrast to the introductory dramas, the intervention
of such secondary speakers rather than characters, as messenger,
herald, pedagogue, old man, maidservant, and so on, is confined
within the narrowest limits and allowed but the most subordinate
scope. Even the chorus is reduced to mere responses, or inde-
pendent and uninfluential expressions of feeling.

Lastly, if the first play is dignified by the presence of a
demi-god, Hercules, it is Hercules in suflfering, and whose pro-
motion to Olympus in the fiiture is not even announced ; if the
second play commences with a dialogue, with a goddess, that
goddess Athena herself, it seems certain that there is no true

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theophany, that the trumpet-tones of the goddess alone make
known her presence which is never visibly declared to the
spectators. But in the Philodetes heroic speakers occupy
the scene throughout, and almost exclusively ;" the divine inter-
position is reserved for the conclusion and then takes place
with all the majesty of a glorified demi-god manifest before
all eyes.

The links of a certain pragmatical Connection will become
apparent as we proceed with the analysis — a support, though,
quite subsidiary and secondary to the all-important moral
cohesion and consecutiveness of the dramas.

The Trachiniae is so entitled from the chorus of maidens of
Trachis, by Mount Oeta, in the neighbourhood of Thermopylae.
Hither the home of Hercules is transferred, he is a stranger in
a strange land, refugee with an ancient host, Ceyx, as we learn
from other sources, but who makes no appearance — a refugee in
consequence of a deed of violence which gives warning from
the first of the unregulated impulses of his character.

The chorus does not enter until after the first speech of
Deianeira ; but this is addressed to a female attendant, and is there-
fore no prologue for the audience exclusively in the Euripidean
manner. From the attendant, sympathetic with her anxieties,
she adopts the suggestion to send off her son Hyllus in search
of his father, unheard of for more than the year of his declared
intention to be absent, and an object of unusual solicitude in
consequence of an oracle having declared the occasion to be
critical for all his future fortunes.

A dialogue then proceeds between Deianeira and the chorus,
and it is a characteristic of this opening play that its tone should
be so extensively and systematically subdued by prolonged par-
ticipation of the servile or subordinate in leading discourse.

The entrance of an old man who has hastened to forestall the
detained or dilatory messenger Lichas, in his news of the return
of Hercules, diverts the conversation. He gives an account of
the detention, but we are bound to be sensible without distinct
intimation, that for a messenger who has a husband's victory to
report, to allow himself to detail his news first to any but the
wife, under whatever importunity, demands explanation to be
natural; there is, indeed, an implied rebuke on the part of
Deianeira (v. 228) for this delay, as distinctly as afterwards

H.S.— VOL. v. T

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274 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

(v. 395) for his equally unceremonious hurry to depart. The
behaviour of the servant warns us too certainly of the slight
delicacy in treatment of his wife which the hero, his master,
cared to enforce either by example or command.

Lichas at last appears conducting a train of female captives —
amongst them, one conspicuous above the rest by demeanour,
dignity, and feeling (vv. 306—13—25). Deianeira listens to his
falsified tale of the motives of the war and circumstances of the
capture ; he is bearer of no message of affection, and even his
mode of addressing her, r^vvaiy has a certain freedom and un-
respectfulness; the old man addresses her as AeaTrocva, once
and again (vv. 180, 370).

Lichas retires into the house with the captives, and as Deianeira
is about to follow, the old man who had forestalled good news for
the sake of reward (v. 191) detains her to hear what he had then
suppressed — the real truth about the adventures of her husband,
and the captives he has sent home, warfare undertaken upon a
love-incitement, the object of it the captive lole, whom he has
sent to be received into the home of his wife.

Shocked and perplexed, Deianeira seeks and adopts the advice
of the chorus of maidens to interrogate Lichas; after a word
or two she gives up the office to the old man, but presently
resumes it with effect, and thanks to suppression of her real
sense of injury, she extracts the bitter truth and learns how
entire has become her husband's disregard of her love and her
dignity. To the chorus again she applies for an opinion, when
having prepared the robe anointed with the gore of Nessus as
a charm to regain her husband's love from her rival, she pauses
to consider whether the stratagem may not be either a mischievous
venture or an absurdity.

Tq them again she has to confide her alarm, which is awakened
too late, as to the result. Few words has she to interchange with
her son, who rushes in indignant from the scene of the catastrophe,
before the fatal story is elicited at length ; she hears it in silence,
and then moves away with the slowness of dejection and a fatal
settled purpose, to re-enter no more.

The simplicity and natural tenderness of her character are
touched beautifully throughout; she is a simple-minded girl
married to an occupied and adventurous hero, whom in perilous
absence she weeps, sleepless and confiding. Her married

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life has been made up of short interviews with her husband
between one of his labours and another, since the time when he
won her by a victory which released her from a dreaded suitor.
The contrast she draws between the unagitated seclusion
of maiden life and the constant tremors and disturbances of
married, must have come home to the sympathies of a Greek
audience, of an Athenian especially, in an age of citizen arma-
ments, and with recent experience of the contingencies of
remote expeditions.

The first part of the play, indeed, with its almost domestic
detail, engages our liveliest interest in those affections of the
heart and the home which are so cruelly tried by the separations
of mere public, and much more of warlike, services ; while the
second part summonses us sternly to recognise the inevitable
relations of these two sides of life.

The sympathy of Deianeira for the female captives of her
husband, reduced from happy freedom to servitude, is most
touching ; touching is her confiding solicitude for the husband
who can scarcely be understood from the words of Lichas, his
replies rather than announcements, as caring to send her any
direct personal message whatever. She remarks the distinguished
appearance of the youthful lole from the first, but it is simple
pity and no thought of jealousy that moves her to make special
inquiry as to her fortunes and descent. Lichas gets through
the diflSculty of his mission by telling a made-up tale of his
own, glibly enough, and yet so interpolated with ' as he relates,'
' so he says,' that one more susceptible of mistrust could not
but have taken alarm. When she comes to know by more
direct instruction that the story, told with many an assertion of
veracity, is the messenger s own invention to escape 'unpleasant
irritation, and no more — for he is clearly incapable of the delicate
sympathy he pretends— that Hercules, who in times past has been
not unfrequently untrue to her, has now sent her a rival to
receive into her home, and has never even troubled himself to
consider about concealment, her true womanly sentiment of
dignity revolts from the very thought of such an arrangement.
At the same time she can have a tender feeling for w^hat she
knows so well is the besetting weakness of her rescuer husband
and the son of Jove ; she has it not in her disposition to enter-
tain even a thought of rancour or violence against lole who is

T 2

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276 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

at the moment in her power. She recognises the influence which
younger attractions may be expected to exercise, but she still
thinks the affections that have slipped away from her worth
regaining, and will make an effort to regain them as she
honourably may. It is with a faith that is quite in harmony
with her general unsuspecting nature that she resorts with but
a momentary shadow of misgiving — and then only as to fairness
and probable efficacy — ^to the charm of Nessus.

The emergency brings out all the simulation of which
Deianeira is capable — ^it is said that feminine natures at the
very best are always capable of a little, — when she gives Lichas
to understand — Lichas, whose nature is so base that he is capable
of believing, — that she contentedly acquiesces in her husband's
proceeding, and so sends him away well satisfied to have to
report how cheerfully she has welcomed her supplanter. It is
characteristic of his servile nature that in taking the lie of his
original fictitious tale upon himself, he only sees an honourable
exoneration of his master not an enhancement of the sting of
his unkindness.

Worthy messenger on worthy errand ! the levity of his manner
towards her throughout, and now the terms of his replies — the
heartlessness of his complacency at her submissiveness, — prove
that if he took more thought than his master, of what her feelings
were likely to be, he had quite as little real sympathy or consi-
deration for them ; that he now addresses her as — ' my dear
mistress ' can only be due, — not to any real affectionate respect,
but to the humbled position of detection, and then to the
absence of lole from the scene.

It is the hasty re-entrance of Lichas (v. 598), eager to be dis-
missed by her, though he has had time at large to chatter with
the captive woman within (v. 53), that cuts short the opening
deliberation of Deianeira as to the employment of the stratagem
of the charm. She has just said enough to evince how guile-
lessly she resorts to it, when her responsibility is relieved by the
march of events that seem hurried by over-ruling power that is
determining the destiny of Hercules. When her alarm is
awakened by the deflagration of the anointed wool, she can
recognise — as but for interruption she might have recognised
at first, — ^how probably there was malice in the instructions and
gifts of the treacherous Centaur. At once she elects in case her

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fears shall be justified, to die ; * for to live ill reported of were
unbearable for one who had ever determined to be worthy/ —
a motive not exactly that of love — it may be of something
nobler.

If there is no vehement trace of intense personal sympathy
in her love for her husband, this is no more than might be
expected of a wife won originally not by wooing but as prize in
a contest ; in whom chiefly duty and gratitude however warm,
for deliverance from Achelous, are in place of passion.

As regards the delineation of the character of Hercules him-
self, it is curious and interesting to observe how few strokes
are bestowed by the poet in indicating to say nothing of en-
hancing, its stronger and more heroic side. The heroism of his
career is indeed all anterior to the action of the play, and for
the most part taken for granted in his name ; Hyllus declares
that he is of all men on earth the best and bravest {api<rTo<;),
and his like is never to be seen again (v. 811), but we are here
at the end of his life, — quite on the further side of the conclusion
of his labours, — of the exploits and services that constituted his
better heroic career, and of which only his summarised lamen-
tation reminds us to justify the exclamation of the chorus —
*Alas for Hellas if Such a man shall perish' (v. 1114—5).
Otherwise it is assumed that the marvellous exploits of the hero
are known to us, and that we are impressed with an awe and
respect commensurate. The weaknesses on the one hand, and
the callousnesses on the other that too often cling to and
qualify our sympathy with the most heroic careers, when we
peer over closely into them, make up the chief stuff of the
proceeding story.

There is, as we have seen, not a trace either of considerate-
ness or affection in his preparation for return to Deianeira after
prolonged absence, and as to lole herself he had obtained
possession of her by picking a trivial quarrel with her father
who had concern for his daughter's honour, — killing him and
his sons and devastating his city. He is carried in miserably
groaning as^the fatal shirt eats into his flesh, — calling on death
but calling still more persistently on the gods for healing, and
above all, anxious to destroy Deianeira with his own hands.
The spectator is kept in eager anxiety for the honour and affec-
tion of Deianeira to be vindicated ; at last Hyllus — who himself

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278 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

had rued and admitted the fatal hastiness of his accusation, has
an opportunity of uttering the exculpating word. But along
with the same word Hercules hears the fatal name of Nessus ;
he recognises that his hope of life or cure is over, and thinking
no more and saying nothing whatever of Deianeira, not caring
to bestow a thought upon her love for him, her error or her
lamentable death, — upon her injuries or the injustice of his
accusations, he thinks solely of the conclusion of his own exis-
tence and breaks out into exclamations of despair.

For the more sympathetic spectator there is a certain final
exculpation of Deianeira in the oracle her husband recals in his
anguish — that death was to be inflicted on him by the dead, and
in this manner we are led to regard her as the mere unconscious
instrument of preordained deliverance.

The one trait of proper heroism that is ascribed directly to
Hercules as before us in the play, is his resolution to be burnt
living as he is on a pile on Mount Oeta; it is little to add
to this the self-control by which after his last commands are
given, he conquers the agony of which he has so freely evinced
the poignancy, and suppresses all word or exclamation there-
after.

After his care for his funeral pyre he has one thought still,
and that is for lole — yet a thought that is as little characterised
by delicacy as any which he has bestowed upon Deianeira — as
any that the merely soldierly, especially when princely also, have
been wont to bestow on an object of past desire. He cannot
bear that any but his own son should possess one whom he had
not only chosen but himself possessed (v. 1225) — consistently
enough so far with his inability to anticipate poor Deianeira's
dislike to partnerships — and he enjoins him, 'a small matter,*
(v. 1207) to marry her.

The reply of Hyllus is an aside, — ' It is intolerable even to con-
template one entertaining such a scheme,* and must have reflected
the feelings of spectators. Even apart from this significant
intimation it might surely be taken as impossible that a Greek
audience should not have felt a movement of revolt against the
proposal of a father that his own son should marry his widow —
his paramour. The difficulty that Hyllus raises — ^his repugnance
to marry one who has virtually caused the death of both his
parents— cannot be that which really affects him ; the true objec-

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tion lies in susceptibilities to which his father by his very proposal
proves himself to be callous, and which it would be labour and
pain thrown away to endeavour to awaken. He turns therefore
to a motive more likely to find response in the selfish nature of
his father — a professed repugnance to the cause of his suflferings.
The word Svaaifieia does afterwards escape him which scarcely
answers to his pretext, but accurately covers incest — the unholi-
ness, that is in his thoughts. The rejoinder of Hercules is
expressive of egotism in the highest, and surpasses even the —
*L'^tat, c'est moi/ 'Unholiness (or impiety), there can be
none if you cause a heartfelt gratification to me' (v. 1246).

' I will do it/ concludes Hyllus, ' giving the gods to understand
that the act is yours ; relying upon you at least I cannot appear

The Heracleid d3masty of Peloponnesus traced their lineage
to this union, and an Athenian poet may not have felt bound
to make it romantic.

The feelings of lole or the possibility of her having any, are
as little adverted to by Hercules as those of his son are antici-
pated or indulged ; but the unceremonious disposal of heiresses
and widows by will or course of law, was a matter of course at
Athens.

The last speech of the play is^ delivered by HyUus as he
orders the convoy of the suflfering son of Jove ; this speech is a
challenge of divine justice and natural sympathy so distinct and
so insulting, — ^at the same time so entirely uncalled for to sus-
tain to the end any previous intimation of impiety in the speaker,
as to imply most absolutely some very special artistic purpose
in striking so discordant a note at such a moment. This is
the inevitable inference, unless we are prepared to give up the
ethical and dramatic sensibility of the poet, or resolve to cling
for refuge to the horns of the altar of imputed interpolation.
The gods are coarsely charged with stolid cruelty — the gods who
propagate oflfspring only to neglect them, — who are fondly
entitled fathers and can look with indiflference on misery which
men more nobly pity — on the present sufferer whose condition
is shameful to them beyond that of all men whatever.

The chorus in its few closing lines has for once no protest
in the interest of timid piety as it summons lole to look upon
the wretched catastrophe which has so soon ensued upon the

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280 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

slaughter she had recently witnessed of her own kindred. If
she is reminded at last that this is all Jove's doing, it is sub-
mission, not faith, that is suggested — and the exoneration of man
at the expense of the gods.

Hyllus avoids the direct name of Zeus as father of Hercules,
but his generalised phraseology of the gods as indifferent shame-
fully to the sufferings of the children they have begotten, only
gives that wider scope to his charge which deepens the impiety,
while it states the problem in a sense which brings it home to all
mankind — commits all to interest in its solution.

That such an ethical discord should be prepared so elaborately,
and struck with such emphasis at the very end of a tragedy, and
then and there left utterly unresolved and hopeless of solution,
is inconsistent with every principle — with every possibility, of
harmonious dramatic composition. If this were all it would
stand as betraying in the poet either clumsy insensibility or a
planned attempt to create worthless effect by a vulgar surprise.
The adoption of either view could only involve us in the greater
difficulty of reconciling dulness and bad taste so gross, with the
proofs of the refinement of Sophoclean genius, which are abundant
and prevailing through the self-same plays. We have no such
burden cast upon us ; in proceeding to the drama of Ajax
Flagellifer we find the suspended theme is taken up, attached
most artistically to the movement of the proceeding play, and
conducted onward by still another ' winding bout,' towards that
'full and natural close' that is reserved for another and
completing drama.

The crude imputation on the justice and tenderness of the
gods with which the Trachiniae concludes by the mouth of
Hyllus, could not but have moved in an audience disposed as
was the Athenian, a feeling of gross incongruousness if such
impiety were to be understood as escaping penal visitation, and
even of passing without an emphatic rebuke. Sophocles cer-
tainly was no stranger to this sentiment, and in the Aias Masti-
gophoros (Ajax Flagellifer), he provides it with a distinct response.
He presents again the story of the painful end of noble heroism,
but this time in worse than the bodily anguish of the shirt of
Nessus. It is under the maddening pangs of humiliation divinely
inflicted for speeches of arrogant and contemptuous impiety that

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Ajax is hurried to self-slaughter. So divine majesty may seem
to be vindicated ; but still the abandonment of a noble nature
to miserable sufiferings, the grand enigma of providential
government which revolted the sensibilities of Hyllus, stands
over and awaits its solution in the development of still another
action — the story of another sorely afflicted hero.

Ajax is the Greek hero who has most of the characteristics of
Hercules. His valour is associated not with a dull (v. 119), but
at least a slow intellect ; he is steadfast and stubborn in conflict
rather than rapid, — a valiant support and second rather than
independent in enterprise. The warlike renown of Ajax which
is supereminent while yet it is exerted in unquestioning sub-
ordination to the interests of others, is directly comparable to
the achievements which won immortal renown for Hercules, but
were all wrought in subjection, not to say servitude, to Eurys-
thenes. In the Iliad, Ajax is the only conspicuous Greek hero
— Achilles not excepted — who is not recorded as suflfering a
wound; Pindar gives us a mythus — not, however, adverted
to by Sophocles — that connected this invulnerability with his
reception in infancy by Hercules who wrapped him in the
Nemean lion-hide. Allusion occurs in the tragedy to the
Trojan expedition of Telamon, in which he received the prize of
valour ; and the comradeship of Hercules and the father of Ajax
on that occasion is distinctly recalled.

Ajax, however, retains characteristics of Hercules, combined
with others of more advanced civilisation. The moral develop-
ment is as marked as that which has substituted the arms of the
hoplite for the club and lion's skin, or even for the bow and arrows.
The callousness of the affections which we are scarcely restrained
from regarding as brutality in the treatment both of Deianeira
and lole, is replaced by tenderness towards Tecmessa, who
like lole is only a captive, and by a certain susceptibility
of her influence. Although like despairing men too often, he
is not diverted by affectionate considerations from his purpose
of self-destruction, he cares for her future and still more for her
feelings; he does violence to his nature in order to lull her
suspicions, and gives proof, as we shall see, that in some respects
at least the expostulations of one whose affection touched his
heart have even wrought on his convictions. The anguish to
which he succumbs is moral, and so far the sense of shame is

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282 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

suffering of nobler nature than that which drives Hercules
to the pyre of Oeta.

Again, in the story of Ajax, we are conscious of the prevalent
recognition of divine agency with more directness and definite-
ness than in the tale of Hercules — son of Jove himself though
he may be. There is a certain remoteness and generality in
whatever appeals and references are made by Hercules, even at
his sorest need to Jove, to Hades, to the gods ; but the power
which remained a dim abstraction in the first play, has assumed
a characteristic personality in the second. The heavens are
nearer to the earth ; divine intervention is not merely admitted
or assumed in some outer sphere, but is encountered, whether
with reverence due or not, among the contentions of human
existence. The careless general blasphemy of Hyllus against the
gods, becomes the pointed insult of the Aeacid against that god-
dess Athena whose aid of all others he had most need to invoke.
Hercules perished, and the divine determination is only indicated
by the concurrence of oracles previously ambiguous or vague,
but the hand of Athena herself, her present agency, is operative
in bringing Ajax to his doom.

The action of the Ajax, opens like that of the Trachiniae, at
early morning ; Ulysses is seen peering about his tent, on the
look out for tracks upon the ground. He is following tip the
rumour which ascribes to Ajax the slaughter during the night
of the herds and herdsmen of the Greek camp. And too true it
is, that the hero who had retired to his tent in indignation at
the arms of Achilles having been adjudged away from him to
Ulysses, had sallied forth in the night to avenge himself upon
his rival and the Atridae, but in blind frenzy inflicted by Athena,
had wreaked his vengeance only upon sheep and oxen. At this
very moment he is standing in his tent among a heap of the
carcases, and preparing to scourge others that he believes all the
time to be his captive enemies.

Ulysses, so stealthily occupied, hears the voice of his protec-
tress goddess Athena ; she is apparently unseen by him through-
out and by Ajax afterwards, as well as probably by the spectators.
The comparison of her voice to a trumpet may perhaps intimate
the employment of some unusually loud reverberatory aid to
the speaker. She informs him how the case stands with his
rival, and then for visible proof calls Ajax forth. The illusion

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of the night still so confuses his vision, that he does not see
before him his most hated enemy, but goes back again into the
tent to scourge the ram he has tied up in his stead. It is this
appearance with scourge in hand that has given the epithet of
the title — Mastigophoros.

Ulysses himself is struck with noble compassion at the humi-
liating sight, and reflects on the vanity of man's highest exalta-
tion. The rejoinder of the goddess reveals that her severity
towards Ajax had other grounds beyond the simple protection
of the Greek chiefs from his vengeance; it is her warning
against utterance of any insulting or presumptuous speech
reflecting on the gods — ^the gods of whose might he had seen
such an example — against being puflfed up by might of hand
or weight of wealth. Slight but significant hints of the temper
of Ajax which had provoked such infliction, appear even in the
short sentences he exchanges vdth the goddess. He sets aside
her suggestions, or accepts her encouragement, with the same
independent oflf-hand tone, and indeed insists upon a charac-
teristic phrase, as to what aid he will admit and what not admit,
which recurs in the still graver charge of impiety hereafter.

The scene is vacant when the chorus enters and speaks in
uncertainty but with ever increasing impatience and excitement ;
— ' Can it be indeed as reported by Ulysses, that Ajax is really
the author of the outrage of the night under divinely-inflicted
access of mania — then by what Power and for what disrespect
inflicted, — or is the tale a calumnious invention of the descendant
of Sisyphus ? '

Salaminian sailors compose the chorus, sailors of the fleet of
Ajax from Aegina; the Athenian relationship, of which the
only title was the interpolated line in the Homeric catalogue,
is carefully alluded to. They speak of themselves as the mean
folk who have to lean upon the great, yet still to the great are
helpful; once and again we find them misinterpreting the
speech and purpose of Ajax; and thus, as in other Greek
tragedies, the chorus is made an instrument for enhancirg
heroic tones by contrast with sentiments of lower type. Sym-
pathy with their leader is accordingly very soon largely qualified
by their personal apprehension of sharing his misfortunes.^

^ The metaphor of doves (v. 140), has a local propriety for Salamis and
its mythology.

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284 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

To the chorus, Tecmessa, entering from the tent (v. 201),
relates the harrowing story of the night, and announces that
Ajax in recovered sanity is lying exhausted and overcome
with depression and shame, in reality more miserable than
when possessed by his frenzy. At the appeal of the chorus she
opens the tent (346) — a scholiast says the discovery was eflfected
by mechanism of the encyclema — and shows him surrounded by
piles of slaughtered cattle, oxen and sheep, * circled round,' in
his own nautical metaphor to his sailors, ' with an eddying wave
of carnage' (352). He is overcome with dejection at disap-
pointment in vengeance, with shame at thought of ridiculousness
of his error and with rage at the assumed malignant triumph of
Ulysses. He recognises the fact that his disgrace is due to the
interference of the goddess Athene, but never adverts to his
provocation of it. He would fain still renew a violent attempt
against Ulysses and the Atridae and then perish himself; the
first is but a passing thought, but the project of self-destruction
remains and is persisted in.

A male attendant — pedagogue it may be — brings in at his
summons his child Eurysaces, very young (v. 553), too young to
be fully sensible of his fathers distress, not so young that,
but for heroic origin, he might not unnaturally be frightened at
the slaughtered heap (546). Holding the child (in his arms ?)
he has no better wish to express for him than that with quali-
ties like his own he may be, not more pious — this consideration
does not come up — but more fortunate ; for his future protection
he relies upon the watchfulness of his comrades and the guard of
Teucer ; he concludes with distinctest intimation of his own reso-
lution for speedy death, and then commands Tecmessa to comply
and retire along with the attendant and child. The pedagogue
will retire hastily with the child, but Tecmessa, I can imagine,
turns back from the closed entrance and only at last and reluc-
tantly, and after many appeals at being dismissed, retires ; Ajax
is to be considered as going with her at last, as if so far gradually
softening as to take her in himself. The general tenor of the
song of the chorus which ensues implies distinctly that Ajax does
not hear a word of it — self-commiserating as it is at the com-
mencement, and concluding at last as rather readily reconciled
to the approaching fate of their leader, a prepared contrast to
the change of resolution he is presently to announce.

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Ajax speaks at once on its conclusion, and without any direct
intimation how he has bestowed the interval, but his reference
to his being ' softened by this woman,' and to what effect, not
only implies — what appears afterwards (685) — that she is present,
but it seems to me, that he had had recent converse with her
of far more detailed scope than the mere interchange of
commands and general expostulations that preceded her dis-
missal. That he should have merely 'retired up,' and sat
abstracted and absorbed during the song of the chorus, is a
view that commends itself to me in no way.

We have now from his lips for the first time, a recognition of
some sense of reverential consideration due to the gods, and of
his own dereliction and sin with regard to them ; and here it
is we trace the true and characteristic influence of feminine
suggestions, apt ever to be more solicitous for peace than
punctilious about niceties of honour. The indication of opened
intelligence is not the less important and not less real, that he
designedly misrepresents its influence, and professes to be
affected by it far more and far otherwise than is the fact. His
speech addressed both to Tecmessa and the chorus, is clearly
framed to lull the apprehensions roused by his declared inten-
tion of suicide, an intention which he holds by still and even
expresses, though in covert phrases only intelligible to the
audience. His talk of purification is to furnish an excuse for
solitude ; his reference to the fatality of the present of Hec-
tor, is a stratagem having something of the known craftiness
that lingers with the half-recovered insane, to enable him to
withdraw unwatched in possession of a weapon. The speech
is precisely what the chorus had described his previous speeches
as not being — it is unlike himself, sophisticated, and but for its
motive unworthy of him in politic insincerity.

Tecmessa, who has not uttered or added a word all through,
retires dismissed into the tent ; and at the exit of Ajax,
the chorus once more alone, bursts forth in mistaken
exultation at this changed disposition both in respect of pious
service to the gods and also of respect for the authority of the
Atridae, thus still more emphatically directing attention to the
double difficulty of his pride.

No sooner does the chorus conclude than a messenger enters.
From his announcement we learn for the first time in detail.

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286 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

the dire and dangerous profaneness by which Ajax had originally
stirred the jealous anger of the gods ; and then is announced
the oracle which declares his absence from his tent this day —
this day the limit within which divine anger will restrict itself
— to be critical for his life.

Tecmessa enters at the alarm from the tent, but not with
the child — reKvov, v. 809, seems addressed to the messenger. At
her instigation the chorus go out hastily (814) and in different
directions to search westward and eastward — a semichorus there-
fore sallying on either side. She also urges one to summon
Teucer, a function probably committed to the messenger ; she
herself meantime retires as participating in the search; and
thus the scene, stage and orchestra, is for the time again
entirely empty.

It is scarcely a question that this was a contrived opportunity
for introducing an entire change of scene from the tent by the
shore and the camp, to a wooded space. Unless the precise
spot of the suicide of Ajax, which takes place in a wood close
upon the positions occupied by the dialogue, could be placed
near the centre of the scene, the whole ordination of the stage
in the latter part of the play would be most unconifortably
disarranged.

At V. 815, Ajax enters alone, after a soliloquy of which more
is to be said ; he then retires quite out of sight into the wood.

V. 866. The first semichorus enters, after fruitless search,
and probably a certain amount of moving anxiously about, hears
a noise which is the second semichorus arriving from the
westward (874). Their interchange of expressions of perplexity
are speedily interrupted by the shriek of Tecmessa from the
wood in the background : at her second exclamation she is
caught sight of by the chorus, crouching, overwhelmed in grief,
upon the dead body.

She covers the body, which she describes as bleeding from
the nostrils and the wound ; the chorus follows up her lamenta-
tions, but as little as herself intimates any consciousness of the
fault by which the hero had provoked his frenzy and his fate.
The voice of Teucer is now heard. Tecmessa recognises it but
does not stay to greet or be greeted by him, but retires.

Teucer, lamenting over the body as it lies, commands to
uncover it, and proceeds to disengage the sword planted in the

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SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY. 287

ground, upon wliich it is transfixed; recognising the fatal
present of Hector, he holds it dripping blood, as he speaks
(1040). Menelaus is now seen approaching, by the chorus first
and then by Teucer, who at the moment of his entrance has the
corpse in his hands as proceeding to raise or remove it. So
occupied he is challenged by Menelaus, who seems to be accom-
panied by a pomp of heralds; and an altercation ensues of
which the tendency is as usual in Athenian drama to degrade
the Spartan, and exhibits him as forfeiting by meanness of soul
the justest advantage of argument. He goes out fairly talked
down (1160) and it is now that Tecmessa enters with her boy
Eurysaces.

The child, though a mute person, is old enougli not only to
walk (1171) but to understand the injunction to sit by the
corpse and cling to it under whatever circumstance of violence.
Teucer cuts off locks of hair of the corpse, of himself and of the
child, to whom he delivers them to be held in his hand as he is
stationed ; having done this he goes out to prepare the funeral,
leaving the chorus in charge (v. 1223). Just as the chorus
has finished, again a lament over its own sufferings during the
prolonged siege, still harping upon exile and its hardships,
Teucer reenters in haste having descried the approach of
Agamemnon ; Menelaus apparently (v. 1309) returns with him
though he speaks no more. With Agamemnon a more dignified
dispute ensues than was vouchsafed to Menelaus, inasmuch as
the inordinate claims of supreme power are replied to by
vindication of the deserts and services of the dead. Still the
dispute declines at last into a retort of personalities ; but now
Ulysses enters, and interposes with caution that is masked by the
composure of dignified gravity. The superior mind at once
recovers the discussion, and places the duty of respect for Ajax
upon the higher grounds of religious principle and justice —
regard for what is enjoined by the laws of the gods, and the just
claims of the valiant and the noble. That Tecmessa is a
present witness of the high-minded appeal in favour of Ajax by
him who was regarded as his greatest enemy, would convey to
the spectator the highest enhancement of the incident.

Agamemnon shamed or overruled but not convinced, leaves
the responsibiUty and with it the merit to Ulysses, who tenders
his personal aid at the obsequies of his late indignant and

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288 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

violent rival. Here, however, it is betrayed that there is still an
uncompensated arrear of rancour, a discord not yet to be
resolved, as Teucer declines the service out of awe of the
animosity which Ajax for all his revulsion of feeling carried with
him to the tomb — to manifest it even in the Homeric Hades.

As the play concludes all the train are engaged in lifting the
still pitiably bleeding body; the child Eurysaces lending his
childish hand ; the shield of his father, the bequest reserved to
him, not without allusion to the significance of his name, already
sent for by Teucer (1406) from the tent, would be brought in at
the very close.

It is early in the play, as we have seen, that we have a full
expression from his own lips, though it is when under frenzy,
of the slights which Ajax could pass upon a divinity even in
presence, v. 112. He declines to spare the supposed Ulysses at
the injunction of the goddess ; any other matter he ' gives her
permission ' to meddle with ; and then, when she changes tone
and incites him to the work, he intimates as independently that
— 'he gives her permission' — the same phrase again — he indulges
her so far as to accept her as comrade upon such terms as
these.

The camment of Athene follows and emphasises the insolence ;
the fall and hallucination of Ajax warn against contemptuous
speeches towards the gods, or arrogance founded on superiority
in warlike act or larger wealth.

The matter of wealth does not touch Ajax particularly, or
Ulysses either, and therefore seems designed to glance aside to
some allusion without the drama.

Recalled to his senses, after the first agony of disappointed
revenge and shame at ridiculous failure (401), he recognises
that he is the victim of the valorous, the mighty goddess, and
admits, as if unconscious how differently he once spoke (450—5),
that the aid of the gods which he had contemptuously repudiated
as valueless to himself whatever it might be to others (467),
does give irresistible odds in favour even of the basest against
even the most valiant ; yet even so he still rises to no
recognition of the obligations of respect from the most valiant.

In reply to Tecmessa, who adjures him by the gods to renounce
self-destruction, he replies, ' Know ye not that I am indebted to
the gods for no good — why should I act out of consideration for

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SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY. 28»

them ? ' She deprecates the profane, ill-omened speech — a
speech of defiance still though no longer of self-asserting in-
dependence of the gods ; in the expression of a sense that he is
forsaken of gods as well as friendless among men, there is at
least the directest implication of some value in extraneous aid
or enmity.

In his last speech of all we have again a certain indication of
a mind recovered to recognition of divine supremacy, while
still scarcely betraying trouble from any sense of guilt in past
impiety. We can scarcely assume from his silence on the point,
that he has really carried out his purpose expressed, v. 654, of
ceremonial purification, and having relieved his conscience, is on
that account now calmer ; but he has at least reached one stage
of moral regeneration, such as it is; he recognises his mortal
insufficiency, and can address in prayer, with even deliberate
feeling foi* ritual proprieties, " Zeus first, as befits '* (koI yctp
iiKosi), and his prayer involves the very term {ap/cecov) that
made part of his late repudiation of appeal to the gods (A?
ovBh apKelv), the very term that seems most expressive in the
mouth of one who had erred by averment of complete self-
sufficiency independently of the gods. His next prayer is to
Hermes Pompaios for speedy and happy release, and so the bold
and undevout soldier is brought at last to supplication when his
granted prayer will bring nothing but furtherance of suicide and
honourable burial.

Of forgiveness to man or of recognised subordination to
superiors, however, there is not a trace, any more than of con-
trition towards the gods. It is true that he does not mention
Ulysses, but as if to add vehemence by concentration of hatred,
he invokes in an appeal to the Erinnyes the direst curses upon
the Atridae.

The latter portion of the play simply illustrates the fulfilment
of his less vindictive prayer. His death is speedy and complete,
and Teucer does receive such early rumour of it as enables
him to secure his burial rites. The inspiration of his revengeful
prayer is rebuked by the spirit with which Ulysses, his former
rival, is animated — a spirit in harmony with his original
compassion for the crazed rival, and in itself a justification for
the preferential protection of the gods.

The prolongation of the dispute between Teucer and the

H.S. — VOL. V. u

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290 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY,

Atridae in the latter half of the play has always presei^ted k
difficulty to criticism. Interest and pathos so manifestly decline
from their earlier height, and the space occupied seems a
manifest disproportion in a work of a poet whose general
characteristic is sensitiveness to propriety in proportion above
all things. The allusion of Teucer to a possible suspicion of
prolixity (v. 1402) is curious, but the difficulty vanishes when
we regard these scenes as much more importantly introductory
to new events than as conclusive of a previous action. The
altercation brings up all the motives involved in a complication
between members of what is a confederacy not exactly upon
equal terms. How far does the obligation of alliance for a,
common purpose, under an admitted leader, forfeit independence
in action of the allies ? What is the limit within which a
confederated member is bound to submit even to injustice, much
more to inconsiderate or illiberal treatment, from the leader
he has accepted, without withdrawal of alliance or refusal of
subordination ?

The independence which Teucer asserts for Ajax would mani-
festly render all effective confederacy impossible, for it would
render impossible any combined operations under one presiding
mind, that in any case could not escape some errors, must some-
times lapse in injustice. The position of Athens at the head
of the cities and states of Greece, half subjected and half
confederate, made all these topics most familiar to the demus,
and of the highest interest. A fallacy propounded by Teucer
on the rights of a subordinated ally, would never command
their assent on the strength of their private preference for Ajax
as compared with Agamemnon. A conflict of sentiment no
doubt there would be, but in this lies precisely the germ of
the dramatic interest of an action involving political delibera"
tions, and opening of a question which is left as much in
suspense as the moral of the Trachiniae.

I find nowhere in the play an implication that the judgment
respecting the arms of Achilles was really unjust. Tecmessa's
assertion that the goddess's favour to Ulysses was the sole
cause is but a pettish charge. That Ajax was, as admitted on
all hands, the bravest and most serviceable warrior of the
host after Achilles, does not seem in itself to constitute a titlQ
to his arms, as indeed it did not in reality touch the particular

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claim which was based on a special issue, which did best
service in rescuing both the arms and the body of the hero —
Ajax, who bore away the dead body, or Ulysses, who repelled
the pursuers ?

This question is not so posed in the play, and the con-
sequence — as the intention — is that there is a certain suspense,
a question left open in the mind that is looked to be replied to
sooner or later. In the play of Aeschylus on the same subject,
the statement of the grounds of the rival claims came first ; the
debate and contest for the arms occupied the first part of the
play, and so this point was made quite clear from the com-
mencement. Sophocles begins his action subsequently to the
discussion, and keeps over, undeclared, the main consideration
on which it was decided at last. It is indeed indifferent to the
proper subject of the play whether that decision was just or
unjust ; it marks the character of Ajax that his indignation would
blind him to the fact and be without limit in either case.

Both in the Trachiniae therefore and in the Ajax we miss
the accomplishment of the highest dignity of which tragedy is
capable, which it is incumbent on tragedy to aim at and to
attain. Pathos assuredly there is in both, and especially in
the fate and fortunes of the heroines. We cannot but com-
passionate such devotion and affectionateness in the gentler
sex involved in the turbulent catastrophes of consorts whose
interests and passions spread widely forth beyond the domestic
limit. Pity however is overruled by awe at the import of
these larger catastrophes that carry down with them the
fortunes of states and revolutions of empires, and present
imposingly the problems that comprise the very deepest projects
and sympathies of mankind. The heroic career of Hercules,
the securer of the primary conditions of civilised development,
seems mocked by the incidental fatality that brings it to an end.
The self-reliance of Ajax which has carried him to the very
height of all warUke prowess, falls by overstrain and develops
into that over-weening presumption where pride is nearest
neighbour to insubordinate arrogance in success, and in failure
to irretrievable mania. But both tragedies open questions
which they are not planned to carry on to more than proximate
solutions; the treatment of the subject of either suggests
earnest considerations which have no sufficient entertainment

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292 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

accorded to them, and the mind therefore is left to dwell upon
them as in suspense. The catastrophe of Hercules has scarcely
a moral coherence with the good and the glory of his ante-
cedent career ; our sympathies go with Teucer in his defence
of Ajax as against the illiberal and ungrateful Atridae, but
if we are careful to conserve our own moral balance, and
stand firmly on that point of view, which as citizens of any
country no less than Greeks and Athenians we are bound to
take up, we find ourselves perforce, if half reluctantly, demur-
ring to the grounds the defence is rested on. We are involuur
tarily disposed to demand still from the poet amidst the
tumultuous suggestions of the scene, a poetic expression of
the ultimate moral sanction which the instinct of indestructible
hope, more potent than any reasoning, makes even the most
sceptical assured must satisfactorily emerge beyond alL

As we proceed to the action of the Philodetes we note
from the first, a certain link of pragmatical association that
attaches it to the events which are current in the story of Ajax
as well as in that of Hercules ; and in its harmonious develop-
ment it supplies in progress and conclusion an ethical solution
that closes, along with its own, every suspense and hesitation
promoted by those which had gone before.

All the action of the Philodetes turns upon the fated require-
ment of the presence of the hero at the siege of Troy as bearer
of the bow and arrows of Hercules, weapons which he came into
possession of in recompense for the service — that one service
that Hyllus in the last scene of the Traehiniae professes
himself unequal to — of applying the torch to the pyre on Oeta.
Hercules consents to waive the requirement of this service from
his son, and how it is to be performed is left by him uncertain
with a degree of composure that would carry to the audience
familiar with the result, a certain impression of prophetic
foresight.

In the discussion between Ulysses and Neoptolemus that
opens the Philoctetes as to how the indispensable but outraged
ally is to be recovered with his fateful weapons, a leading topic
is that contest for the arms of the father of Neoptolemus by
failure in which it was that indignation unsettled the brain of
Ajax — the subject of the Ajax Mastigophoros ; and Hercules, of

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SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY. 293

whom we are reminded through the whole course of the
Pkilocteies and with whose fortunes the trilogy commenced in
the Tradiiniaey appears again at the conclusion. That this is in
fact a reappearance relieves it from seeming the makeshift
expedient of a dramatist in distress. He reappears to effect a
solution for the otherwise inextricable complication of motives
and passions wrought to the extreme of exasperation on all sides,
and at the same time he exhibits in his own exaltation the
desiderated proof of divine recognition of merits and labours in
a mortal state.

The chorus of the first play consists of maidens — maidens of
Trachis ; that of the second of sailors of Salamis, the native
city of Ajax; the chorua of the last play, according to an
ancient notice, consists of eldera sailing along with Neoptole-
mus. It seems certain that the crew of the vessel is not in
question ; that they address Neoptolemus as ava^ and heairoTtj^
decides nothing either way. That they also addressed him &
reKvov is in favour of their decided seniority. There is a studied
variety therefore at least, if it is not worth while to say
sequence, in these contrasts.

There was probably considerable, and probably ingenious
peculiarity in the set of the scenery for the PhUoctetes ; at the
opening we are on the rocky and desolate shore of Lemnos —
the stage apparently is to be regarded as a continuation of the
seashore with a promontory of cliffs behind; Ulysses enters
with Neoptolemus and an attendant ; the chorus is with them,
but apart.

Neoptolemus at the instruction of Ulysses clambers on the
cliffs in search of a cavern having two entrances, and of such
an aspect as to afford a double frontage to the winter sun, and
in summer a cooling thorough draught of air, and a little below
it towards the left, a spring of fresh water. The cave is easily
found, at some height, and Neoptolemus after listening looks in
and sees clear indications of its occupation, and of the miserable
tending of his wound by its occupant. The attendant is planted
to watch the footpath, and Ulysses, protected from recognition,
opens to his companion, not without reminding that he is sub-
ordinate in the commission, his scheme of proceeding. His
present injunctions only extend to obtaining possession of the
arms, but though he says nothing of the equally necessary

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294 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

co-operation of Philoctetes, this is understood (v. 112) as' a
necessary consequence; and is afterwards distinctly so stated
by Neoptolemus himself (v. 840). The assumption is clearly —
and yet it is never formulated in terms — that the hero when
dispossessed of his means of securing subsistence must come to
friendly parley perforce. The unerring ariias cmi only be secured
by false pretences and stratagem, and the frank disposition of
the youth revolts from the falsehoods he is called upon to tell,
but overborne by authority and by the argument that the
presence of Philoctetes at Troy is necessary for his own success,
he consents. That the alternatives of either force or guile are
exhaustive of the expedients at command for obtaining the
desired results is assumed by Ulysses; and when the possibility
of persuasion is mentioned by Neoptolemus, he sets it aside
dogmatically as futile, and his opinion is accepted without
discussion. That Philoctetes, all his sufferings and injuries not-
withstanding, can still be placable and open to friendly appeal,
does occur to Neoptolemus, but he gives up the idea immediately
in deference to Ulysses, and started and dismissed so cursorily,
it is not likely to remain in the mind of the audience as of
reasonable value ; thus it is reserved as a solution to come upon
them at last with all the freshness of surprise. The arguments
of Ulysses in virtue of this cardinal oversight would be justly
stigmatised as sophistical were it not that the omission is truly
unconscious and due to the idiosyncrasy of the politician. Con-
ducted as they are — the cogent expressions of a seeming political
and indeed patriotic necessity — they might easily bewilder the
spectators as well as Neoptolemus, and so commit them to a
premature sympathetic participation in his fraud, though not
without the natural misgiving which constitutes the essence of
a moral suspense.

In the description by Philoctetes of the circumstances of his
abandonment, of his mode of desert life and solitary sufferings
and disappointments of rescue, in his glow of feeling at the
recognition of sympathetic countrymen, at news of the friends
from whom he had been so long separated, their misfortunes
and the fortunes of the expedition in which he was still destined
to bear so important apart — in all this combination of picturesque
background and pathetic incident, we recognise the very heritage
of the genius that gave to the world the type of all romantic

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interest and embellishment in the Odyssey, transferred to the
Athenian theatre. There is something very touching, expressive
beautifully of soundness of heart, in the frank retention by the
much aggrieved hero, all passion and all provocation, notwith-
standing of faith in the goodness of good dispositions, in the right-
mindedness of natures inherited from the right-minded. Deserted,
betrayed, neglected as he had been, his sympathies leap at once
confidingly to the son of Achilles, as confidingly as they would
have greeted Nestor, Antilochus, Patroclus. Even towaids
Ulysses and the Atridae, his feelings, vented though they may
be from time to time in indignation and even in maledictions,
never take the direction of suggesting plans of vengeance, or
dwelling persistently on anticipated retribution ; even towards
the authors and instrument of his misery it is rather repugnance
at last than active hatred that he entertains. Most touching,
then, is the revulsion to absolute, universal, irrevocable mistrust
of all mankind, when he finds that even Neoptolemus himself is
an accomplice in insincerity and fraud ; after this, not even the
frank confession, the fullest reparation of the youth, can restore
his former reservation in favour of a remnant. For a moment
he even hesitates to receive back his proffered bow, in appre-
hension of some new treacherous intent; the complication of
wickedness has passed beyond his faculty of insight, he is ready
to renounce malice for past injuries that he has suffered (v. 1355),
even so far is he capable of righting his course upon the stormy
waves of passion, but beyond this he cannot go by any force of
his own merely mental sympathy and incitement. Nothing
in future can shake his conviction that his only hope of security
against mischievous mankind must lie in keeping himself per-
sistently aloof ; in this spirit he will renounce without a pang
the most alluring prospects of distinction and promises of fame,
which are only assured to him under the condition of co-opera-
tion with such treacherous allies ; he prefers to go on in an
inglorious life and with the lifelong companionship of a loath-
some ulcer, to consorting with allies more hateful still.
Confidence between man and man is damaged beyond all
chance of natural recovery, and it seems that only interference
more than natural — and this is the very barb of the moral —
can bring the action to its fated close. But one yet higher
motive than occurs to Neoptolemus to urge, remains to be

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206 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

appealed to, and it is significant of the noble nature of
Philoctetes that he is susceptible of being still touched by
the highest when deadened to all others.

It does not appear by any hint throughout the play that the
ten years suflferings of Philoctetes were brought upon him
directly or indirectly by any feult or flaw of character of his
own. Neoptoleirius says it was by accident due to the gods, eK
deia^ Tvx^^i s^Did justly meriting a commiseration not given to
sufferings that a man brings upon himself. Such things we
know are in the order of nature, and how they are to be
regarded is expressed in the speech with which Hercules,
appearing in glory, finally decides the destinies of all, and
declares the counsels of Zeus.

To Philoctetes it is announced by the authoritative voice of
the son of Zeus, at whose last scene on earth he had been
witness and chief ministrant, that the career with all its multi-
farious labours which that scene closed, but only closed to lead
to an immortal reward, represents his own. On him it is in-
cumbent also through the labours that are set before him, to
achieve a lifetime of fair feme. To Troy it is his destiny and
duty to accompany Neoptolemus as a comrade; there cured of
his sore disease, and conspicuous in valour, it will be the reward
of his self-abnegation to be the slayer of Paris, author of such
a train of evils, to be the destroyer of Troy, and receiving the
prime compensations, the apLirreia, of the expedition, to send
home spoils to. the haUs of his father Poias, at Oeta, and to
dedicate them — memorials of the Heracleian bow — ^at the
Oetaean pyre. The speech ends with an injunction of piety
towards the g<xis in lihe triumphant hour, * for all things else
whatever are secondary to piety in the esteem of father Zeus ;
the piety of mortals dies not along with them, live they or do
they die^ this does not perish.'

Thus is Philoctetes called on — and such is his fine nature that
the appeal is not in vaia — not alone to set aside rancour and the
spite that suggests- or gloats over the hope of vengeance, to let
title bygones of a ten years' desertion, in deepening misery be
l^gones, but to follow forth at the injunction of the god, a task
that in itself is patriotic at whatevCT sacrifioe of feelings for
the past, despite whatever justifiable apprehensions of further
deceptions and injuries in the future. So he is told is true

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glory gained ; so is immortality merited, achieved ; such is the
piety towards the gods that lives with man through his living
fortune, and when he dies continues still existent.

It is of the highest significance, under the present view of
the interdependence of these dramas, that with such exact dis-
tinctness should be assigned to Philoctetes as reward of patriotic
self-subjection, the very prize most coveted by Ajax, but falsely
conceived by him, the apitrrela of the expedition {Ajax, v. 435),
and that it is his father Poias who should be gladdened by the
tokens of a son's glory which were to be vainly coveted by
Telamon, Piety towards the gods, and patriotic subordination
for common good despite the fairest grounds of personal dis-
content, receive the highest sanction of divine approval in
contrast to vain presumption, blind self-veliance, and rebellion
out of overweening self-sufficiency against both man and god.
Assuredly the moral is inculcated with perfect freedom from
a lapse to slavishness and unconditional submission to existing
powers. To these is read a lesson in terms that lack nothing
of befitting severity; the Atridae are sacrificed in dignity
without stint or mercy, and even the more nobly-spirited
Ithacan supplies but a warning example that diplomatic craft
at its highest, and even when most patriotically employed,
is but a defective instrument compared with the inspira-
tions of simpler motives, and may drag down even the purest
patriotism to failure and disgrace.

The wisdom of Ulysses is of a kind that, however exquisite,
is found at last incompetent, because interpreting sympathy is
wanting, to predict the* movements of such a contrasted dis-
position as that of Philoctetes. He only aggravates repugnance
and confirms obstinacy which were not before implacable or
utterly confirmed ; and by the very compass of his stratagem
he shakes confidence from its firmest seat, destroys feith even
in good faith. In this manner that mutual confidence which
is the indispensable basis of all human treaty to any pur-
pose, the condition of honourable intercourse and common
understanding may be, has been, and is ever fatally destroyed.
When this mischief supervenes, society, but for a miracle
or the approximate equivalent of a miracle, is on its way to
dissolution, and it may seem as if the very process of human
advancement is destined to be disappointed.

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2D8" S'OPHOCLfiAN tftlLOGY:

Miracles may be waited for in vaia in actual life, but it is
the purpose and the privilege of a work of art to epitomise
the development of ages ; private experience makes it familiar
how the dissolution of social bonds and concerted action too
often and too certainly ensues under such circumstances ,'
common and concerted action comes to an end inevitably for
at least a generation; it is fortunate if the interposition of
new agents unsoiled by antecedent errors and even uninformed
of them, if a new generation with so much at least of the
healthiness of youth as is due to limited exposure to influences
of corruption, proves competent to recover enthusiasm and to
reunite a sympathetic enterprise.

The end of the Philoctetes it may be thought is in a certain
sense untragic, inasmuch as it is happy — though anguish both
of mind and body is persistent and predominant enough through-
out its course until the very latest moment when Hercules inter-
poses. But even the ending of the Oresteia is in the same sense
happy, and there is not much real difference between the tran-
quillity that so supervenes to close a series of agitations and that
which eventuates in the death of the hero.

The trilogy illustrates with exhaustive analysis the reciprocal
duties incumbent upon the heroic performers of public services
and those for whose behoof they are undertaken. Tolerance
and even condonation is claimed in the case of Hercules for the
lapses in private and domestic life that have been in no way
incompatible with heroic patriotism on the wider stage of active
achievement. His career comes to a miserable end by a train
of unfortunate complications due to these secondary lapses;
still the sense remains that his services are worthy of requital
independently, and we are left to look round or look above for some
opening of worthy compensation. Upon himself have recoiled
the consequences of his egotistic neglect of the best feelings
of others, but the account of his larger unselfishness stands
open still and still appeals for equally consistent retributive
reward.

The claim of Hercules is never mooted by himself; he
submits to his fate as a divine dispensation with no expression
either of accusation or of resignation or of faith; when the
necessity is recognised he soon collects himself to firm and
calm endurance : it is among his friends, it is to his son who

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looks on in amazement that the question presents itself, how
is such retribution for such service compatible with the charac-
teristics that we ascribe to the divine ?

The claim for appropriate requital, — strange to the lips of
Hercules, but blurted out so bluntly by his representative —
finds in the case of Ajax its loud enunciation from the hero
himself. For special services he claims special acknowledgment
in the assignment of the decoration of the Aristeia, the special
reward of the armour of the rescued corpse of Achilles ; and when
another, justly or unjustly — with fair legality in the particular
case, or against it, gains the coveted prize, he is clamorous —
indignant — finally, violently aggressive against the leaders of
the very expedition in which he is an associated, but still subor-
dinate ally. Ajax comes to destruction through the consequences
of his own guilty outbreak in dereliction of public duty, as
Hercules through his lapse in truthfulness of private affection,
but even in this case again, the claim of heroic public deserts is
vindicated in the dispute about his interment, as against
the derelictions in loyalty which, however serious, still are
secondary.

The claim for just compensation for virtue seems a necessary
corollary of the principle of retribution for errors and short-
comings; and in the difficulties and contests of the world,
an appeal is ever recognised in our inner consciousness as lying
open from man to God. It ia to this higher, this restraining
consideration, to this religion that they have to defer who are
bound to admit merit, whatever the irrelevant weaknesses that
have parasitical attachment to it, and to concede appropriate
honour even when services of unquestionable magnitude are
unhappily qualified by certain very considerable drawbacks.

But these considerations have an aspect that reflects upon the
heroic themselves ; and there is an appropriate attitude for them
in respect of eager anxiety for recognition and reward and
honour, not merely as regards those whom they rescue or benefit,
but also as regards a superior, a supreme — a divine — control.
Hercules exhibits the spectacle of simple submission — so absolute
that it amounts in its very silence and suppression of any recla-
mation to the most eloquent expression of faith — of resignation
that is the very highest faith, inasmuch as it does not even
formulate in the most general terms any theory of a coming

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300 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

reward. Not so com|dacent are his friends, and Hyllus utters
the challenge to the divine attributes, both of intelligence and
justice, that calls loudly for a rejdy, — a reply which is most
specifically enunciated in the two sequent associated dramas.

The same spirit of excessive self-appreciation that makes Ajax
eager for definite signs of recognition of his patriotic services,
breaks out in the presumptuous contempt of the divine control,
under which alone it is that his own qualities that he takes
pride and has confidence in, have play and freedom. The sin
against the divine has a divinely-inflicted punishment, and it is
by this very lesson of humbleness apjdied to the most valiant
and the most meritorious, that the spectators were led up
to the moral solution contained in the concluding drama.

Hercules and Ajax are sufferers from the operation of tbe
defects which are proper to themselves, — even the denial of the
arms of Achilles is not marked as^ an absolute injustice, and in
any case the exasperaticMi' that carries Ajax wrong, would have
been subdued or escaped by a better balanced character. But
Philoctetes throughout is every way more sinned against than
sinning, though indeed the source of his long years of misery
is to be sought in independent misfortune for which neither
enemy nor friend was absolutely answerable. Still it is impossible
for human nature to disallow the fairness of his resentment
against the chiefs who had deserted him under such circum-
stances, even though the dilemma they were placed in may
have left them no other alternative consistent with the prose-
cution of the expedition. He endures the compound anguish
both of Hercules and Ajax, — ^bodily suffering more prolonged
and quite as poignant as that inflicted by the poisoned shirt, —
and bitterness of desertion by trusted friends more afflicting
than rejection by their* partial arbitration. His Nessus shirt
has been put on him by those whom he never could regard as
having erred in kindness ; whatever rancour he might entertain
was provoked by those who were prepared to expose him to a
life of lingering misery, and a wretched and solitary death.

Upon heroism subjected to such evils, the incumbency of
magnanimity i» surely a hard lesson ; the diffictdty of it receives
fall illustration from the poet, and we have presented in the
action that goes on before our eyes the most vivid exhibition of
growing difficulties to enhance the mental struggle. With such

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force and nature does the example jdiaced before us demonstrate
how the advantage of the highest endowments of the noblest
characters may be lost to a country — to humanity, by base vices
of intrigue and ill-faith destroying confidence between man and
man, that we may well shudder at the prospective fortunes of
a race which requires all the command of all its resources to make
head against its difficulties. If we take the dramatic represen-
tation of the case literally, we shall see that nothing less than
a divine interposition can at last rescue humanity from the
intricacies its own vices weave like hampering nets about its
better men and better virtues. This is in fact the very solution
which has commended itself to the convictions of the larger
portion of the race, and a new start in recovery of human
charities has often, with fond and ready credulity, been ascribed
to a theophany as gross and palpable as that of Hercules on the
theologeion of the Dionysiac theatre at Athens.

The appearance of the transfigured — the glorified Hercules at
the conclusion of the Philodefes is the proper conclusion of the
story of the Trachiniae, and of its continuation through the Ajax,
Here the cavil of Hyllus receives its reply; here the pre-
sumption that wrecked Ajax is rebuked by the spectacle of a
heroism that can forget suflferings — injuries however severe, and
return to prosecute with heart and energy the patriotic cause.
The previous plays have sufficiently insisted on the liabilities of
genius and heroism to lapse, and on the indulgence that must be
accorded to them ; we have now presented to us the lesson of
what sacrifices in self-control are to be exacted from those who
have committed to them the faculty of aiding the world's urgent
work more powerfully than ever any others ; in what humility
towards the divine source of the order that is ultimately to
harmonise all discords, they are bound to do right and fear
not, — do right and hope not — but to leave the end to that
supreme control with whom remains the knowledge of the
beginning.

The Philoctetes we learn by a fortunately preserved notice, was
produced in B.C. 409.

The position of Athens at this time was very critical;
parties were in a state of the highest excitement, but the
popular party was in the ascendant after great revolutions

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302 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

and reverses, and a gleanpi of hope was appearing, however
fallaciously, in the services of the recalled Alcibiades.

Two years before the date of the play, the faction of oligarchies
had effected for a short time the object which the demus had
often and too rashly been ridiculed for persistently ascribing to
them. Encouraged by the depression of the city after the
Sicilian reverses followed up by others nearer home, they had
intrigued for the subversion of the democratical constitution, and
by alarm and false pretences on the one hand, and on the other
by removing the most dangerous opponents by secret assassina-
tion and instituting general terrorism, they carried through their
design in a seeming legal form. After four months they pro-
mulgated a pretence of a reconstituted constitution to be based
on a wider constituency, but a council of 400 retained all power,
and took measures forthwith, designed to enable them to con-
clude the war on any terms, and to secure themselves by placing
the enemy in occupation of Athens.

DiflBculties rose before them gradually at Athens,but theirover-
throw was decided by the action of the crews of the fleet at Samos.
Their reconstruction of the constitution was disavowed, measures
were taken to traverse their plans ; and in a short time Alcibi-
ades was treated with, and placed in command of the fleet. The
traitorous and versatile, but able and energetic exile had wrought
his countrymen incalculable harm, and it was disheartening and
degrading that they should be reduced to have any intercourse
with him. But such were the times ; the most patriotic might
look round and ask who was there of any ability to compare
with him that could be more relied on ? At the date of the
Philocteies he was in a career of patriotic successes which kindled
hopes that the country might yet be saved by his means ; he
had not yet returned to the city, — he did not do so till B.C. 407,
but even a former enemy, as matters stood, might well think it
worthy of him to encourage the people in the turn that their
feelings were now taking.

Among the three suffering heroes of the trilogy, Hercules is
brought to his wretched end immediately through that unregu-
lated passion for the sex which was a notorious weakness of
Alcibiades, involving him in scandal and trouble, now from an
amour with Timaea, the wife of Agis, King of Spaita, and now
with a Melian captive. The passion of the demi-god is incon-

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stant, indiscriminate, and as little distinguished by delicacy or
regard for the feelings of the objects of it, as that of Alcibiades,
who was charged With driving away his wife by similar shame-
lessness — by introducing his paramours, bond or free, under the
same roof with her. Still the tenor of the drama is to insist —
if we do not care to say upon the moral — ^upon the matter of
fact, that however such laxity and selfishness degrade and
humiliate personally at last a Nelson, or a Henri Quatre, or a
Hercules, they do not cancel the independent merit of patriotic
public service.

Though not ah action is ascribed to Hercules throughout
the play that does not chiefly tell to his disparagement, he
remains Hercules still — he is still the prime hero and heroic
benefactor of Hellas whom there is slight hope of replacing.
The apology for his misdoings could scarcely be carried
further.

In the next play, this side of the character of the suffering
hero is softened, and with Ajax the better influences of tender-
ness and love are admitted as far as they may be consistently
with sympathies of larger range. In this case we are called
upon to regard with awe the consequences of the impiety that
springs from over-confident presumption — from neglect and
insult to the gods — to mark the sin, but quite as impressively
to recognise the pitiable retribution. The exhibition of what
there is of tender and noble in his nature induces allowance in
our hearts for the frenzied outbreaks of a hero who has not
been without provocation — an irritating disappointment at least
and perhaps just occasion for complaint, extrayagant, criminal
though he may have been in his attempts at revenge.
There is no palliation in the play for the attempts of Ajax,
— frenzy makes him slay the cattle in his misconception,
but it is frenzy that grows out of his own extravagant self-
esteem, and when he recovers his senses, it is only to regret
that his desperate purpose failed, and to be humiliated at his
absurdly futile outbreak, and it is in the bitterness of this
thought, and in still unrelaxed hatred and malice, that he
dies.

Still, traitorous as was his purpose, there were merits ante-
cedent to the treachery, as in the case of Hercules antecedent
to the amourS; and it is over the corpse of the Aeacid that th^

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claims of the patriot are argued as against the vindictive visi-
tation of one unhappy lapse. It is not difficult to trace here all
the conditions at least of the question as to the possibility of
admitting that even mimicry of the Mysteries was expiated by
the consequences, fiwid of condoning even such misdeeds as those
of Alcibiades against his country when confronted with his
services.

It can scarcely escape remark how careful the poet is to keep
the boy Eurysaces prominently before the q[)ectators, as the
object of his father's affectionate interest and care.. It was from
Eurysaces, according to Plutarch, that the line of Alcibiades
claimed heroic descent. Such traditions were at this time
rapidly dying out. They were involved in that general extinc-
tion of the old families of Athens, which Isocrates notices as
so weakening to political life. But such traditions as still held
on were all the more valued and regarded, and any allusion to
them all the more certain to be recognised. The tenderness of
Ajax for the offspring of his concubine Tecmessa, may even be
claimed as a parallelism to the credit which was given to
Alcibiades (Plutarch), for his liberality to his son by the woman
of Melos.

It may further be remarked that Andocides, the orator, whose
unhappy concern in the affair of the Hermocopid outrage placed
him in a position of antagonism to Alcibiades, was a reputed
descendant of Ulysses. The speech against Alcibiades which
is ascribed to him embodies every chaise which he ever was
exposed to — of lawless insolence, profligate luxury and dangerous
insubordination.

The movement for general reconciliation at the time of the
successes of Alcibiades with the fleet, may have encouraged
not only his friends but those of his old opponent and injurer
Andocides who at the time was in exile, to hope for amnesty.
The position of Ulysses in the play exhibits magnanimity at
last on his side, and from the very beginning a sentiment of com-
miseration for aberrant greatness that contrasts with the vulgar
animosities and self-considering importance of the Atridae.
If this delineation was not taken from nature — as probably
enough it may not have been — and does not reflect the actual
position of individual politicians, Andocides, his friends or
others, — it shows forth contingencies at least, — and was of the

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nature of an admonitory apologue. It is so framed as to advocate
peaceful reconciliation of all parties by unbiased exhibition of
the errors and the virtues of both, and an implied argument
that there were no really incompatible diflferences.

Thucydides, 8, 66, gives a striking picture of the universal
mistrust which had previously reigned in Athens — consequence
of treachery and ill-faith, preventing any union in action against
the oligarchical conspirators.

Alcibiades had been exiled during his participation in a
maritime expedition that came to no good after it lost him,
and his friends would say he had been as ungratefully treated
as Philoctetes. At last the time came round when either hero
was found to be indispensable, — and in each case some mutual
forgiveness and much high-mindedness on the part of the
injured could alone restore harmony.

Alcibiades did not rejoin the Sicilian enterprise, as Philoc-
tetes resumed the Trojan, and he had been traitorously behaving
in the interval in a style that was all his own, — but still it was
the fleet he had left that welcomed him again, and that he led
again to victory, and in him was now centred all the hope of
the state for recovery from direst disasters.

It would not be difficult to press the parallel farther between
Alcibiades and Philoctetes, but we shall probably misconceive
the poet if we suppose that he designed or cared to make the
parallel exact or even perhaps obvious.

The Athenian dramatic poet addressed an audience whose
feelings were subject not merely to the excitement of the more
recent dramas — but also of the constant progress of political
events. They came to the theatre with minds under strongly
predisposing influences, and the poet who would interest them
might well cast about in his mind what feelings they were most
swayed by, — what moral dilemma would have most stimulant
eflfect, — what subject in fact they would be likely to attend to
with any degree of interest, — what topics they would under
present circumstances enter into, that at other times they might
neither care for nor even be able — certainly not so well able,
to understand.

If then the political crisis of Athens at the date when this
trilogy was produced were such as has been set forth, what
but highest admiration is due to the poet who gathered up

H.S. — VOL. V. X

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306 SOPHOCLEAN TRILOGY.

and wove together into a tissue so coherent, the threads of aH
interests and motives that were floating about society, — securely
and rightly confident of touching the popular heart by a repre-
sentation of the indulgence to be conceded to the weaknesses
and to the irritability of genius, and of the magnanimity to be
recognised in one who could subdue his soul and let all bygone
animosities be bygones in the higher interest of a call from
his country.

W. Watkiss Lloyd,

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Full text of "The journal of Hellenic studies"

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